A bridge too far

Protests at the RNC in St. Paul.

 

 

My wife and I were driving home from a long Labor Day weekend spent in northern Minnesota. Traffic was light, considering there were more than 50,000 visitors in the Twin Cities for the Republican National Convention (RNC). At the other end of the Mississippi River, 1,200 miles to the south, Hurricane Gustav was slamming into New Orleans, the first hurricane to do so since Katrina in 2005. The country held its collective breath, waiting to see what damage the storm would bring, but in the streets of St. Paul, pepper spray hung in the air, riot police crushed protesters into the asphalt, and the National Guard stood watch.

We listened to reports of the chaos on the radio, hunched forward in our seats as our car zipped toward our apartment in St. Paul. By the time we collapsed into our beds that evening, exhausted from the long weekend, nearly 300 protesters were in jail. What began as a call for peace and a demonstration against the Republican Party ended in smashed windows, tear gas, and mass arrests. And this was only the first day.

Between Monday, Sept. 1 and Thursday, Sept. 4, the St. Paul Police Department and other cooperating agencies arrested 818 protesters. The vast majority of the protesters were nonviolent, but the police used pepper spray, tasers, rubber bullets, tear gas, and other “less lethal” crowd control measures. They conducted mass arrests, cordoning off streets and arresting everyone, including street medics, innocent bystanders, and journalists. Downtown St. Paul looked like a police state, filled with police officers in riot gear, an alphabet soup jumble of federal agents with three-letter acronyms, and National Guard soldiers.

Rick Kelley, of Coldsnap Legal Collective, a group of concerned citizens dedicated to providing support to activists involved in the legal system, was taken aback at the intensity of the police response. "I didn’t expect the preemptive raids, I didn’t expect the felonies, I didn’t expect the invocation of terrorism charges against people who are as far from terrorists as anyone I’ve ever met," Kelley said. "The kind of police response that we experienced was, I think, unprecedented in a lot of ways, and it shocked me."

Irene Greene, a practicing therapist and a coordinator with North Star Health Collective, felt the same way.

"It was a much wilder scene than any of us anticipated, but we were prepared for the worst, so folks were prepared for what they had to deal with: people getting beat by batons and beat up in jail, and tasers,” said Greene.

North Star Health Collective (NSHC) is a group of health care workers, students and community activists who are dedicated to access to health care for all, regardless of ability to pay. During the RNC, volunteers associated with NSHC organized, manned, and operated a first aid and wellness center in downtown St. Paul. The center housed a first aid station, a base of operations for the street medics who tended to injuries of both protesters and police, an outdoor decontamination center for people who’d been sprayed with chemical irritants, and a wellness center to help people cope with the mental trauma of protest-related violence.

First aid centers are common at large-scale protest events like the RNC, but the attention to the mental health needs of protesters was something new.

 

 

 

"One of the things that was especially unique about our center was that there hasn’t, to our knowledge, been a wellness and first aid center that has combined crisis counseling with the first aid/medic component," said Greene.

During the events surrounding the RNC, 58 street medics came from around the country and assisted more than 1,100 individuals with injuries as minor as blisters and sunburn and as severe as taser wounds and projectile injuries. There were 375 people decontaminated at the washing station outside the first aid and wellness center, 65 people treated at the first aid center, and another 85 counseled at the wellness center. There were 21 street medics who were arrested once, and four who were arrested twice, despite clear markings.

The volunteers and activists of Coldsnap Legal Collective (CLC) were also standing by to provide assistance to the protest groups. "Long days, little sleep, and a barrage of phone calls from people out on the street," said Becky, who asked that her last name be withheld, from CLC.  Coldsnap encouraged protesters to write their legal hotline number on their arms or legs, so if they were arrested, the police couldn’t take it away. They fielded calls from protesters in the thick of the action, people who’d been arrested and were making their one phone call, and people who’d been released from jail. CLC served as a liaison between those in jail and their friends and family. They also maintained a vigil outside the Ramsey County Jail, so that arrestees would have warm food, clean clothes, and a hug when they were released.

The police were as prepared for the protests as the activists were. Infiltrators placed inside the protest groups kept the police informed on the protest actions planned during the week. On Friday, Aug. 29, the police launched a series of preemptory raids targeting activist groups and independent journalists when they entered the Convergence Space, a gathering place for anti-RNC activists. The next morning, there were three more raids in Minneapolis and another in St. Paul. The St. Paul raid targeted the base of operations of I-Witness Video, a NY-based group of photojournalists whose mission is to film and document police abuse. Video taken by I-Witness helped invalidate many of the charges filed in arrests surrounding the 2004 RNC in New York. Also targeted in the raids were the "RNC 8," prominent members of the RNC Welcoming Committee, an ironically named activist group. These eight people have been charged under the Patriot Act, and they face terrorism riot charges.

"Monday and Thursday were really big decontamination days," said Greene.  On Monday, about 10,000 marchers from several different groups came to protest the war. The majority of protesters walked, chanted, and waved signs, but a few broke windows and blocked traffic. The police clamped down hard on the violence, arresting nearly 300, including journalists and street medics. They used tear gas, pepper spray, rubber bullets, and other "less than lethal" crowd-control measures, and eventually arrested almost 300 people, including passers-by caught up in the violence, and Amy Goodman, Nicole Salazar, and Sharif Abdel Kouddous from Democracy Now!

The protests and police violence culminated on Thursday in a drama played out over several hours on several highway overpasses near the state capital. A rally held at 4 p.m. fired up a crowd of about 2,000 for a march at 5 p.m., when the group’s legal permit to assemble expired. When the protesters headed for the Xcel Energy Center and the Republican delegates who were beginning to arrive, mounted police cut them off, blocking their path on the John Ireland bridge. As protesters moved east, to the Marion and Cedar Street bridges, the police moved as well, closing all downtown overpasses over the interstate and blocking the protesters’ path with snowplows, mounted police, and cops in riot gear, brandishing batons.

The standoff ended in the inevitable way. As the sun set and darkness settled in, the police issued the final order to disperse. Shortly thereafter, they moved in with tear gas, pepper spray, concussion grenades, and full riot gear.  The police drove the group onto the Marion Street bridge and arrested everyone, including journalists and street medics.

"When I was out there on Thursday night, one of the first instances that happened is basically that this line of mounted police formed in front of some of my friends and I, and I stood there for several minutes, my friend and I stood there with our arms around each other and stood in front of them and just stood there,” said Becky. “All I wanted to do was have them look me in the eyes. And they wouldn’t do it. I actually said at one point, ‘Look me in the eyes, please look me in the eyes right now, and the woman looked down and gave this uncomfortable laugh […and said], ‘I can’t, I’m watching the crowd,’ and I thought, no, it’s because in the next minute if you’re ordered to beat the crap out of me, looking me in the eyes and recognizing me as a human being might prevent you from doing that. Making that human connection with me right now might prevent you from doing your job."

Becky, Greene and Kelley all agree that the purpose of the police actions seemed to be to demoralize protesters, to isolate them from their fellow activists and to discourage further protests, Instead of tearing activists apart, the harsh actions of the police had the opposite effect.

"I truly do not believe that anyone involved in the protester side of the convention is going to come out of that and say, ‘Well, clearly they’re right. Clearly I should no longer be anti-authoritarian,” said Becky. “Clearly, the government and the state and the police . . . know what’s up and I should probably listen to them from now on. You guys win.’ That’s not what we’re going to see, that’s not what we’re seeing. If nothing else, people are more politicized."

The response a lot of people have, in the example of Amy Goodman’s arrest, is, "She should have stopped when the cops told her to." When asked about Thursday’s events, many people respond, "Oh, well, their permit expired at 5 p.m. They shouldn’t have been there." Both of these arguments boil down to "You should do what you’re told." And that’s true, at least if you want to stay out of jail. I knew at 5:30, when the standoff on the bridges over I-94 was just beginning, that there were going to be arrests and tear gas and everything else. Every person on that bridge, be they protester, police, journalist or observer, must have known it too. After the events earlier in the week, how could they not?

The problem comes in when what you’re being told to do is unjust. Then you have two choices: go home and allow the injustice to continue or refuse to do what you’re told, make your voice heard, and suffer the consequences. When the state is unjust, you can’t wait for the state to give you permission to object to their actions. During the civil rights movement, marchers were refused permits and faced fire hoses and police dogs. They marched anyway, because they knew what they stood for was honorable and just. This is why people stayed in the streets of St. Paul, knowing what was about to happen to them and standing defiant. They had something to say and were determined to be heard.

In situations like these, I try to think about things from the opposing view. What was going through the minds of the police involved? I assume, from the cops I’ve met and known, that most of the police involved were good people doing the best they could in a tough but necessary job.

“I don’t think you can police always for the best in the crowd. You have to police for the worst in the crowd,” said Ramsey County Sheriff Bob Fletcher in an interview with Amy Goodman. It wasn’t an easy situation, either. Downtown St. Paul was filled with celebrities from around the country. The national spotlight was fixed on our city. We wanted to make a good impression.

Also assumed: the police are a tool of the state. They are the monopoly on violence that any government must maintain, without which it cannot exist. I buy into government’s basic assumption: violence is inevitable. We are all humans. We are violent creatures. Someone will always be in charge. But I also buy into the basic assumption of anarchy: I am my own best boss. If we all treat each other like adults, we don’t need the enormous infrastructure of government and we can all get along. It’s an optimistic viewpoint, and I buy it. At least until someone gets shot.

So what happened? Why did the police turn on the citizens of the Twin Cities and our guests with such brutal force? Why did they spend so much time infiltrating activist groups? Why did they use pepper spray, tear gas, and concussion grenades against nonviolent protesters? Did it have anything to do with the $10 million lawsuit insurance policy the city of St. Paul negotiated with the Republican National Convention?

"If you’re going into something knowing that you’re not going to be held accountable in your community… and you’re not going to have to deal with that public pressure, I think it lifts a little bit of that weight off your shoulders and gives you a little be more free reign,” said Becky.

The agreement, made between the RNC and the city of St. Paul, is unprecedented, and covered "up to $10 million in damages and unlimited legal costs for law enforcement officials accused of brutality, violating civil rights and other misconduct," according to the Minneapolis Star Tribune, in an article published Sept. 3, 2008. An agreement like this creates a situation where the police don’t have to worry about the legality of their actions, because they know there won’t be any heat from taxpayers. Instead, maintaining "order" becomes the prime directive, and constitutional rights are violated in the interest of temporary security.

It’s easy, though, to get bogged down in the negativity that surrounded the RNC. Rudy Giuliani and Sarah Palin may have mocked community organizers in their speeches to the Republican delegates, but on the streets of St. Paul, friendships were being forged in the crucible of a shared crisis. Communities were organized. "I feel like I met people that I will be friends with for life," said Greene. "To go through something like that, it’s definitely a uniting experience."

Giuliani, Palin and others may sneer at people who care enough to go out into their community, reach out and try to make their community a better place, but it hasn’t stopped those who were brought together by events surrounding the RNC. One of the shared goals of the many activist groups that protested at the RNC in 2008 was to build solidarity and bring together like-minded people. In that sense, the protests were a success.

 

 

 

Epilogue
Becky, Coldsnap Legal Collective:
"One of the most beautiful things I saw out of this week was how close we became as a community. The number of hugs that I got, the length of time of those hugs. We held each other longer, we cried together. People that I didn’t know that well before the event, I could meet them on the street and be like, ‘I remember talking to you when you were in jail, I’m really glad you’re out. Can I give you a hug? How are you doing? Thank you for being out on the street,’ and they would respond with ‘Thank you for being in the office.’ That kind of mutual support and mutual aid and caring was really great.

"The state uses this divide and conquer technique. We saw that on a smaller scale in the convention, even in just little things, like isolating individuals, putting them in solitary, or dropping them off in the middle of nowhere after they got out of jail,  It’s trying to isolate people, trying to make people feel like they’re alone, feel like they don’t have any people to support them. Those isolation tactics can be very useful if we don’t recognize that together, we’re really strong and we have each other’s backs. If we allow members of our community, whether radical or not, to be isolated and to be picked off, it makes the larger group smaller. They just keep picking us off one by one.

"We have amazing community resources in our city right now. We have a legal collective where none existed before. We have a radical healthcare collective. We have a community bike space. We have a group that formed around confronting and dealing with sexual assault in society… there are things to be optimistic about."

 

I am a writer/editor turned web developer. I've served as both Editor-in-chief and Technical Developer of In The Fray Magazine over the past 5 years. I am gainfully employed, writing, editing and developing on the web for a small private college in Duluth, MN. I enjoy both silence and heavy metal, John Milton and Stephen King, sunrise and sunset. Like all of us, I contain multitudes.

 

Dissent and repression at the DNC

The untold story.

 

Lots of people were yelling. Black helicopters circled over our heads. I ran between groups of black-clad protesters huddled together and fending off the police…or were the police fending off the protesters? Two thick lines of riot police had us surrounded. By us I mean about 300 anti-capitalist protesters, the journalists crazy enough to follow them, and some unfortunately curious passers-by. The cop lines were closing in, pepper spray was going off and protesters were disappearing under piles of cops before being arrested and dragged away.

Some of the protesters were yelling about the “police state,” others were chanting “no violence, no violence,” and some were just screaming for medics.

It was Aug. 25, and we were in Denver, Colorado. The Democratic Party was celebrating the opening night of its 2008 convention just miles away, but in the streets protesters were trying to throw a different type of party. The cops were just not having it.

One of the protesters was Mac Tuttle, a young anarchist most recently from Washington. Tuttle was 13 years old when his friend’s mother Celia taught him about the police state by simply telling him the story of her own past. Celia was a political exile from Argentina, where her father worked as a journalist before his criticisms of the government angered the wrong officials. Celia’s family was forced to flee the country in fear of imprisonment, or worse. Since her youth Celia has called herself an anarchist and maintained the position that government does more harm to democracy than good.

Inspired by Celia and the romance of the underground, Tuttle ran away from home to live in a communal “punk house” in Greenville, NC. He has always had his qualms with the state, but now, at age 20, his anger at the system, and its police, has deepened further. That’s because Tuttle was one of 106 “anti-capitalist” radicals rounded up, physically intimidated, and arrested during the single “nonviolent” protest-turned police riot on the opening night of the 2008 Democratic National Convention.

In a scene that conjured up the violent images of the 1968 DNC in Chicago 40 years earlier, armed police surrounded a group of several hundred protesters during a non-permitted march that took the streets around Denver’s Civic Park. Police were generous with their pepper spray, which was dispensed from canisters, pellet-ball guns, and large cannon blasts. Several protesters reported that the police also used tear gas and rubber bullets to subdue the crowd. Even civilians, including journalists and curious passers-by, were pepper sprayed or struck by police, and then held on the street for more than two hours before being arrested.

“[The police] didn’t care about anybody,” Tuttle said later. He said that he saw riot police order a young woman who didn’t look like she belonged in the protest to back up, but when she tried to obey their orders she found herself trapped beside an immobile group of protesters. “This cop kicks her in the stomach, whips out his (pepper spray ball) rifle, and shoots three people. This chick was trying to back up, and he just shot her.”

This particular police riot did not receive the same attention from the national media as the larger demonstrations that lead to violence at the Republican National Convention, so many of those who were arrested and allegedly abused by police fear that their story may never be heard, and that authorities in Denver will never be held accountable for the way they handled, and stifled, dissent.

On that Monday evening, it became obvious to journalists and demonstrators alike that the hundreds of police who blockaded the march knew exactly who they were after, so understanding the roots of the riot starts with understanding the anarchists and radicals who converged on Denver and inspired a police state in the first place.

The calm before the storm

On the morning of Sunday, Aug. 24, I woke up on some unknown patio wrapped in a tarp and a light sleeping bag. With me was William Aanstoos, a 19-year-old college dropout who traveled to Denver from Asheville, NC to protest the DNC. I had met and befriended Aanstoos when I backpacked to Asheville in July. There we made plans to stick together in Denver because neither of us had ever been to the city, knew anyone who lived there or had any place to stay, which is how we ended up crowd surfing at a punk show and sleeping in some activist’s back yard together.

On the surface, Aanstoos typifies the young anarchist radicals who show up to represent the anti-capitalist left at large protests: white, middle class, independent, and radicalized by punk rock and the romantic allure of  the underground anarchist communities that can be found anywhere in the country yet remain virtually invisible to the uninitiated. I knew, however, that Aanstoos is also a well-educated, shy kid who had left his home in Texas for college only a year before. I also knew that the DNC would be the first time Aanstoos would find himself on the front lines of a confrontational protest, so I felt obliged to look after him as he looked after me.

That Sunday morning the radical rapping duo Dead Prez kicked off a series of anti-war demonstrations with a performance on the steps of Colorado’s state legislature. I filtered through the hipster socialists, the super-paranoid 9/11 Truthers, and assorted hippie types and found the grungy looking, black-clad twenty-somethings I was looking for. One of them handed me the memo: a small, glossy flier detailing information on the upcoming “direct actions” as planned by the anarchist group Unconventional Denver and its allies.

Aanstoos told me his reasons for protesting were about the same as those posed by Unconventional Denver; the Democrats, although liberal, were simply the not-so-bad-guys whose existence only upholds a system of government that has failed to meet the needs of its people and wages perpetual war against foreign countries and the millions immigrants, workers, minorities, and impoverished peoples that fill its prisons and ghettos.

“We just want to show that there’s other options out there,” he said.
 
The actions and protests planned by Unconventional Denver, the local wing of Unconventional Action, were part of the broader DNC Disruption, a coalition of radical activist groups seeking to disrupt delegate activities and bring “the DNC to a halt” according to their website, www.dncdisruption08.org. It was an attempt to simultaneously crash the Democrats’ party and bring the public’s attention away from mainstream politics and to the spectacles created by protest groups offering the anarchist alternative to the system of global capital ultimately supported by Barack Obama and the Democrats.

Unconventional Denver and their more moderate allies in the Recreate ’68 coalition spent well over a year planning the protests at the DNC. They distributed stylish propaganda newspapers and flashy wall posters across the country. They organized workshops and legal information for activists interested in confrontational demonstrations that could disrupt DNC activities. They held meetings across the country and networked with activists ranging from the Students for a Democratic Society and the anti-war feminists of Code Pink to the hard-line anarchists associated with Unconventional Action and the RNC Welcoming Committee, whose “leadership” was arrested and charged with “conspiracy to riot” and “furtherance of terrorism” under Minnesota’s version of the Patriot Act in early in September.

Denver officials were not in the dark about the planned protests. In May an American Civil Liberties Union lawsuit revealed that Congress allocated $50 million to reimburse Denver for security-related expenses, and city budgeted $18 million for crowd deterrent equipment, which manifested on the streets as body armor, tear gas guns, pepper spray canons, guns that shoot paint ball-like pepper spray capsules, black armored vans, gas masks, and riot helmets for the thousands of cops that showed up from counties across Colorado.

After Dead Prez played on Sunday morning, I took an hour or two to walk around downtown Denver and observe the police presence. They were everywhere; riding in motorcycle brigade, in unmarked vans and cars, hanging around in every public park, standing on street corners, and even patrolling the streets on dozens of bicycles. As soon as anti-war marchers took the streets, police seemed to just appear out of the walls to observe and contain a series of peaceful protests.

Despite the hundreds of protesters and police that gathered in central Denver on Sunday, the demonstrations were mostly peaceful and few arrests were made. Even Unconventional Denver’s “street reclamation party,” an non-permitted parade that featured boom boxes blaring music from shopping carts and around two hundred masked radicals blocking intersections, ended peacefully. The police did finally face off with the radicals outside of the capital building, but when the protesters ignored the order to disperse the police simply walked into their front lines and guided them back onto the sidewalk. It was clear the neither side was interested in escalation. It was as if the police knew nothing violent was planned during that parade, so they simply cleared the streets after the kids had their fun. But this was all about to change.

The convergence center

Aanstoos and I spent our Sunday evening at Unconventional Denver’s ad hoc “convergence center,” a rented hall in Denver’s industrial district. The center had a small kitchen, tables covered in anarchist ‘zines and publications, an area designated to street medics, and a large area to hold meetings. A volunteer security force watched the front door night and day. A sign on the door announced that booze, drugs, recording devices, and cops were prohibited, but there was a giant bowl of condoms in the unisex bathroom.

That night Unconventional Denver held a meeting to discuss the next day’s set of actions, which would include an “anti-capitalist bloc,” which basically translates to “Black Bloc.”

Black Bloc is a style of protesting that became infamous during the anti-globalization movement almost a decade ago. During massive protests, international swarms of black-clad anarchists provoked (or were provoked, depending on who you talk to) to riot at the 1999 anti-WTO protests in Seattle and outside of G8 meetings in European cities like Prague in 2000 and Genoa in 2001.

There was no talk of rioting or violence at Unconventional Action’s meeting, but it was clear from their discussion that this Black Bloc would not be an average street protest.

Police intimidation began almost immediately after the meeting ended, as if they had been listening into the meeting the entire time. A car full of anarchists was pulled over in the parking lot as soon as they left. Around 10 anarchists gathered outside the convergence center to observe the police, and within minutes there were eight police vehicles and over a dozen cops sitting in the parking lot. After about fifteen very tense minutes, the cops pulled away without issuing the driver a ticket.

Things heat up

The Black Bloc protest was planned for 7 p.m. on Monday, so Aanstoos and I spent our afternoon locating “The Freedom Cage,” as Denver activists had nicknamed it. The Freedom Cage is a parking lot just outside of shouting distance from DNC headquarters at Denver’s Pepsi Center. The lot is surrounding by metal fences and outfitted with a microphone and speakers. It was created to be a “free speech zone” for protesters, but for whatever reason the protesters refused to use it, with the exception of some college-age leftists who set up an overnight shantytown for camping there.

When I arrived at The Freedom Cage it was empty except for a few curious reporters. There wasn’t much to look at except for a large piece of poster board with a sign-up sheet for speakers.

Here are some of the speeches that were planned for The Freedom Cage:

“I Agree Completely” by A. Hitler
“This Is Awesome” by Joseph Stalin
“I Could Wear My Dress Here” by J. Hoover
“I honor and accept this nomination…and promise more cages” by Sen. Joe Biden

Aanstoos and I planned to meet back up at the Civic Park for the Black Bloc and split up for a while. I grabbed some dinner and set out for the park at around 6:45 p.m. As I neared the park I saw van after van of riot police covering themselves with body armor and strapping different kinds of weapons to their legs and sides. The cops were obviously preparing to respond to a different kind of protest. It was an ominous scene.

The protesters, mainly black-clad anarchists and their anti-capitalist supporters, were milling around in Civic Park and sharing plates hot food, compliments of an anti-war group called Food Not Bombs. Cops were everywhere. Suddenly, as if a signal was given, a group of about a hundred masked protesters gathered close together and began chanting anti-capitalist slogans as they marched into the street. Mac Tuttle, wearing a mask and swimming goggles, was on the front line.
 
This was Tuttle’s third time in a Black Bloc. He expected trouble, but he put on his mask and marched in the front lines anyway. He said that his role was to act as a buffer between the police and less confrontational protesters who simply wanted to speak their minds in the streets.

“The police are fucking terrifying, hands down,” Tuttle said later. “They’re scary as shit.”

Riot cops were in formation as soon as the protesters hit the concrete. The protesters were immediately surrounded by riot police on both sides and decided to march directly toward one of the lines. As soon as the front line of protesters came within ten yards of the police line, the riot cops raised their batons and shot a cannon burst of liquid pepper spray. Several protesters went down and were either arrested or lead away by volunteer street medics.

A Salt Lake City man who identified himself as Fred Javalpra told me later that he saw two or three protesters get shot with rubber bullets during this time. Several protesters would later tell me that police used tear gas at another point during the protest, and I saw several police wearing respiratory gas masks during the confrontation and eventual mass arrest. A statement that the Denver Police Department released shortly after the protest, however, claimed that police made “limited use” of pepper spray. According to the Denver Police, during the initial confrontation only two police officers used pepper spray and one policemen shot paintball-like balls of pepper spray from a gun. This does not explain a reporter I saw suffering from pepper spray later in the protest.

“I was fucking scared shitless,” Tuttle told me. He had been hit by pepper spray during this initial confrontation, but didn’t consider himself injured, so he pressed on, even though the police “had a lot of new (non-lethal weaponry) that I didn’t want to see what it did.”

The statement from the Denver police said that protesters were observed possessing rocks and “other items that could be used to threaten public safety.” I did not see anyone carrying rocks, but there were several groups of protesters carrying cloth banners and one protester carrying a skateboard.

After the initial confrontation the Black Bloc retreated back onto park property, and then their supporters filled the streets. The police momentarily retreated. It was immediately clear that the police would preemptively confront the Black Bloc, but not other protesters. This trend continued for the rest of the night. They knew who they were after.

The police re-grouped and charged those who were still in the street. I was on the sidewalk taking pictures, and before I knew it there was a riot cop shoving me in the back and laying his baton in the back of my neck. “Move!” he yelled. “Press!” I said, and then I ran backward into… the Black Bloc’s front line. “Oh, great,” I thought.
 
I made it through the Bloc and climbed up unto the base of a light pole to watch what happened next. The police stopped and held their position just before the sidewalk. The Black Bloc and their supporters approached them, began chanting as if they were going to stage another offensive, and then they all began laughing and running in the opposite direction across the park to flank the cops’ position.

The protest made it through the other end of the Civic Center Park, but they didn’t get far after that. They marched in the street for about two blocks before being surrounded by two lines of riot police in a short length of street between two intersections. The police spread out across the street and prevented anyone from leaving. The Black Bloc, their left-wing supporters, and the journalists who were following them were now all trapped between two very angry looking lines of riot cops.

And the cops multiplied. They amassed in vans, buses, cars, and horses. Helicopters with searchlights began circling overhead. Soon there were two hundred, then three hundred cops piled up on both sides of the protesters, who were now screaming “peace” and “we’re nonviolent.” The police seemed to outnumber protesters by nearly two to one.

“Tell what a police state looks like!” someone shouted. “This is what a police state looks like!” the protesters screamed in reply. Despite their chants, many of the young protesters, some of whom had removed their masks, were as frantic as rats in a cage.

The front lines of police slowly closed in on the people between them. Anyone with a press badge was grabbed and sequestered outside of the police line. I stayed as long as I could before a riot cop wearing a gas mask grabbed my hand. I told him I was staying, but this was apparently not an option because he began dragging me toward him. I decided to comply and the cops pulled me through the police line and onto a long set of stairs outside of an office building. The stairs were filled with civilians and reporters trying desperately to document the fate of the protesters on the other side of the police. One reporter, who was fully credentialed for the DNC, was one the ground trying to recover from a pepper spray blast to the face. I gave him my water bottle and a medic soon arrived.

After most of the press was removed from the street, the police began chanting “move,” and charging toward us while thrusting their batons forward in unison. We reporters ran like hell. It seemed as if we had been specifically picked out of the crowd so that we could not document the escalating violence and mass arrest.

I ran around the outside of the building to see if I could get a better view from behind the opposite police line, but I soon discovered that the police had boxed-out supporters and the press there as well. These supporters continued to shout insults and slogans at the riot police in front of them, but the voices inside the police blockade were not as brave and had gone silent.

I climbed on a concrete statue, and from that vantage point I could see that the riot police had separated the protesters into two groups: The Black Bloc and the others. Each group was backed up against a building and trapped there. Then I felt someone tapping on my shoe. I looked down. It was Aanstoos. I jumped down from the statue and hugged him. He was white as a ghost and obviously shook up.

“William, are you OK? What happened to you?” I asked.

“I got pepper sprayed,” he said quietly. It was at this moment that I finally felt overwhelmed by whole situation, and I thought I might cry. Instead I just hugged him again.

Aanstoos explained that he was one of the protesters hit by pepper spray cannon blast when the Black Bloc first approached the police line outside of the Civic Center. He said he went blind until a street medic treated him. His clothing was still covered in pepper spray and it pained him to touch most parts of his body. 

The aftermath

Over the next two hours police searched a majority of the protesters and picked out dozens and arrested them for possession of objects that could be used as weapons. Resisters were pepper sprayed. One demonstrator told me she saw someone arrested for having nail clippers in their backpack.

Supporters outside of the blockade chanted and harassed the police, but nothing else could be done for those inside. At 8:22 p.m. most of the non-Black Bloc protesters were let free. The rest of the block was either still inside, being processed for arrest, or arrested. Mac Tuttle was one of them.

Tuttle and 105 other protesters were bused to a warehouse at 3833 Steele St. that, with the addition of some metal chairs and a series of metal cages, had been converted into a temporary jail. Tuttle said that defendants had their mug shots taken next to “mass arrest boards” listing charges against them, which included everything from resisting arrest and failure to disperse to begging, loitering, and throwing missiles/rocks. This lead many protesters, including Tuttle, to believe that they were being charged with multiple offenses, when in reality most of them were only charged with resisting arrest or failure to disperse.
 
Tuttle and his comrades were held in the jail overnight. There were no blankets, and “white PVC pipes” constantly blasted cold air into the facility. Tuttle said he was allowed to see a doctor, but the doctor only asked if he was suicidal. Tuttle said that he wasn’t, but that he was suffering from bronchitis. The doctor promised him pills in the morning, but they never came. Tuttle’s bronchitis developed in pneumonia by the time he returned to his home in Washington a week later.

On Aug. 27, Mark Pendergrass of the Colorado ACLU sent a letter to Denver officials detailing concerns about the detention of protesters like Tuttle, who, like many protesters, was arraigned in the early morning hours after a sleepless night in the horrid conditions of the warehouse. “[It] was evident that the arrestees were laboring under a myriad of misunderstandings and misinformation that was predictably highly coercive in convincing an arrestees to plead guilty, which have been remedied if they had received legal council,” Pendergrass wrote. He also claimed that the ACLU lawyers and other legal supporters were repeatedly denied access to confidential meetings with arrestees, which Denver legal officials had previously promised. Both the Denver sheriff and city attorney have not responded to my requests for an interview on the subject. The legal defense of the arrestees is ongoing.
   
Despite their experience at the anti-DNC Black Bloc, Aanstoos and Tuttle remain close their political convictions, and they both vowed to protest again. In fact, Aanstoos and I parted ways after the DNC, and he went to the Twin Cities to protest the Republican National Convention. I have not heard from him since.

Tuttle ended up pleading guilty to “blocking a roadway” and was fined $140. He’s said it was worth it, and he has no regrets. He believes that the Black Bloc did succeed in changing people’s minds about the system, even if it did end ugly.

“A lot of people who didn’t want to be in the protest got blocked in by the police,” Tuttle said. “Now they understand that the police don’t give a shit about them… and I will be at the next DNC in four years. This just made me more upset and more angry.”

As Tuttle points out, protesting may not be about whether anarchists and radicals can disrupt or shut down events like the DNC. Perhaps it’s just enough to step out into the streets for a miniature revolution, even if it only lasts a couple of hours.

 

An end to the long dark

Spring at the South Pole.

Only the man who was in charge of the single lamp at the North Pole, and his colleague who was responsible for the single lamp at the South Pole, only these two would live free from toil and care: they would be busy only twice a year. —Antoine de Saint Exupéry, The Little Prince

 

The stars have been our companions for the past few months. Dancing in between them, the ribbons of the southern aurora offer light when the moon is gone. Watch them fade and the black grows so deep as to lose hands in front of faces, to discover wind drifts in the snow or a wall by blunt impact. The last remnants of the sun set in March, and the long dark has carried the sixty of us through the bitter winter of the South Pole.

All of Antarctica offers uniqueness in character of the land, the sky, and the sea. It’s a world as yet untamed, where it is still risky to do something as simple as stepping outside, or understand something so patterned as the rise and fall of the sun. Men of written history have found God and lost sanity here, have faced frostbite and harsh wind, fierce loneliness, silence and death. But in confronting this world, many of them also found tremendous beauty and great humility.

The last hundred years have tamed this continent somewhat, to a level that finds its safety concerns part of corporate databases, the warmer seasons attract thousands of visitors, and human impact grows every year. Yet in the midst of the growing hustle, a set of people gather, intent on experiencing that which only Antarctica can offer — the long night of winter.

From mid to late February through to mid October, Antarctica grows weary of visitors. Winds driving in from the polar plateau bring storms, gales, and extreme temperature drops. Travel not only within the continent but to and from it brings great risks. Temperatures descend into territory that render vehicles unusable, ice locks in summer harbors for tens if not hundreds of miles, planes cannot land in the cold and dark Antarctic winter, and survival without protection is measured in minutes. In response, the various stations close down, become isolated, and build upon an internal community to make it through the winter. When the last flight leaves, very few will see a new face for eight months. An entire existence becomes dependent on the equipment and people immediately around. In the event of any disaster, rescue, if possible at all, will be severely delayed.

Just over 900 people from a multitude of countries find this appealing each year. We’re split between 36 different stations, spread out over 4.5 million square miles. To some extent, every station experiences the Antarctic night. It is only at the very bottom of the Earth, eight hundred miles from our closest neighbor, that the South Pole bears witness to a single day spread out over an entire year. One sunrise and one long day; one sunset and one long, dark night.

 

The pursuit of science and the International Antarctic Treaty (one of the premier examples of international cooperation, preservation, and exploration) drive this continent’s development. Everything that is done here can relate back to furthering the knowledge of humankind.

Amundsen-Scott South Pole Station is an international hub, hosted by the United States Antarctic program. From a peak population of 300 in the summer months, who fly in and out from the coast, the isolated winter reduces that population to 60 or fewer.

We form a modern tribal community with the necessary skills between us to keep the station warm, powered, and gathering data until the return of the sun and the summer.

 

Scientists and technicians (known as “beakers”) manage an array of scientific acronyms designed to peel back the fog of the unknown. There are massive telescopes that look into the darkest sky on Earth, detector arrays that are buried kilometers deep in the ice below, gathering evidence of subatomic particles; digital eyes that seek out the streaming auroras; weather stations; atmospheric ozone devices; and sampling systems that gather the some of purest air on earth. The data pooled helps us to see and understand the very beginnings of the universe, to explore the relationship between the sun and the Earth’s magnetic field, and to provide a baseline for atmospheric comparison the world around.

To ensure the integrity of the data, a slew of men and women are responsible for maintaining everything from something as mundane as a clogged drain to the severity of a generator failure. Their skills keep us powered, warm, and alive. Chefs work miracles with frozen food (much of it years old) and supplement meals from the harvest in our greenhouse. A small IT department maintains the computer and server systems on station and keeps the limited, but vital, satellite and radio links to outside world, live. Carpenters, electricians, welders, and plumbers continue needed construction through the winter months and aid the maintenance crew when needed. The power plant technicians guarantee lights, heat, and water. A materials department tracks inventory long since buried in drifts, much a mile or more distant from the warmth of station. Engineers and planners communicate the changes made and needed with management who are off-continent. Our heavy equipment operator strives to support construction, material movement, and fueling the distant buildings.  As the cold damages the vehicles, the shop endeavors to keep them running. Our two-person medical department is prepared to tackle any contingency and all of us are involved in emergency response teams (fire, trauma, and logistics) in some form.

We do this all in the cold, in the dark, with a necessary willingness to step outside our basic responsibilities and aid the friend next to us. Often, we do this at temperatures that we can stand but that our equipment cannot. Working outside at -95 ºF with a windchill thirty or forty degrees colder is not uncommon. Doing it with clothing that freezes, goggles that fog over in minutes, numb fingers and numbing minds, dying batteries for limited light (to protect the light-sensitive science experiments), and exhausted lungs from the ten-thousand foot altitude? This is our normal.

Your breath at these temperatures crackles when it moves past your lips, a brief respite from the searing cold of the winter air diving deep into your lungs. Though only your eyes may be visible to the cold, the lightest touch of the wind bites hard, freezing eyelids to low hanging hats and mingling with the quick forming ice on your hood and facemask. Fire comes to mind, a white-mix of intensity, when skin has been exposed to cold for too long — a sign that you have seconds to cover it or frostbite will set in.

Ostensibly, we tackle these challenges and risks to keep hundreds of millions of dollars in equipment and data in good order for the U.S. Antarctic Program — for individuals in offices ten thousand miles distant and an ideal based around scientific exploration. Realistically, we do this for each other.

 

In the dark, isolated and distant from any neighbors, the sixty of us have a jumpstart on familiarity. We immediately share a context and a challenging environment that few other places can offer. We depend on each other in the most literal sense for eight straight months. Friendships and disagreements, loves and arguments abound — the panoply of human emotion and action is all here, often magnified, often gossiped about. Our situation, however, also has an obvious undercurrent of dependency. All of us are necessary for the survival of the other. Anyone short-shifting their work forces others to carry their burden and then has to eat meals with them at the end of the day. “Family” may be too strong a word but say “community” and that notion becomes far more tangible. 

In his book Bluebeard, Kurt Vonnegut talks of a sadness of the modern connected world. He speaks to how a talent is suddenly compared to the whole of humankind. How an ability to sing, which may have once entertained a small village must now compete with the talent that can move an entire planet. Though we are children of the first world and modern globalization, here we can explore what Vonnegut laments.

We make our own entertainment, our own plans and pursuits. We compare ourselves and compete with each other, come to know our abilities in a group where “better than” has less weight than “different than.” Over the season the last delivery of magazines grows old, movies are watched one too many times, and the ever-present voice of consumer culture fades. Somewhere in the setting of the sun even those not previously exposed to the value of individual talent find their eyes opening toward it.

How entertaining others manifests itself differs — it could simply be consistent human conversation and company in the bar every night. It could be stepping up to sing in a band having never before performed or learning to play an instrument and sharing those painful first steps. At this point, over half the station is involved in music in some fashion.

The escapes that society uses to avoid the awkwardness of human contact are still here but the press of people (sixty may be few but our space is limited) makes real and true interaction hard to avoid. By virtue of our shared context and isolation we can quickly move past being new and strange to each other and reap the rewards of a relationship. We can institutionalize ourselves, grow used to constant company and eating nearly every meal with friends and familiar faces. There’s a saying that the first time you come to Antarctica you do so for the adventure. The second trip is for the money. Every time after that you return because you can’t seem to fit in anywhere else any more.

What they say, though, is just that. All of us come here for our own reasons, all of us with our own goals and aspirations, with our own hopes. How those measure up to the people we meet and the effects of the cold, the dark, the altitude, and the night sky vary.

 

 

“Polies” (as we’re known in the Antarctic communities) often set up for a winter with specific ideas of changing their life, be it through exercise, education, self-reflection, or something else entirely. An individual might come down hoping to write a book, read a great many more, learn a language (or three), to leave problems stateside, learn an instrument, find a lover, cook, build something, make art, get into better shape — the combinations and specifics are multitudinous, including the many not spoken out loud.

We come expecting to be able to complete these goals in full, picturing months of time set aside from the distractions of the real world back home, easily saying that we can put something off one more day — we’ve plenty left. We don’t realize, unfortunately, that distractions are common to society regardless of size or place. We don’t see or understand always that change occurs over time — that if one lacked the discipline to write a book in his or her life before, he or she will likely not gain it here. We don’t expect or count on the environment to the degree that it affects us.

Buried under 9,000 feet of ice sits the land at the center of the Antarctic continent — we rest on top of it. In combination with our physical altitude, variations in barometric pressure and weather patterns cause the physiological altitude to rise to 11,500 feet in the winter. When that hits, no one on station sleeps well, if at all. Walking the halls the next morning, you can easily believe you have awoken to zombies taking over the station. The cold, of course, does its own number on our metabolism. For those working outside daily, the exhaustion may be welcome, but it can and will drive ambition into the ground. Inspiration can be difficult to find when the environment doesn’t change and when one cannot seek out new things or leave. However, the altitude, the cold, the static nature of this place — none compare to the dark.

There is great excitement when the sun first sets in March — the winter is still new, nothing is yet too worn or staid. Your fellow winter-overs are still mysterious, your friendships still new. The setting sun, though below the horizon, takes weeks of horizontal circling to fade. As a group we wait for signs of the coming dark — of the steps between nautical twilight and astronomical twilight, of the first stars, of the first of the southern auroras. The magic is still easy to see and find — the horizon, stretched and perfect, humbles with its stark beauty. The first shadows from the moon bring smiles (soon frozen). The aurora dance with an intensity and frequency that is to become familiar — they are present so long as the sky is clear and moon is set. 

As the dark grows we cover the station windows and shut off exterior lights to shield sensitive science projects. Though we can’t see the horizon, there is cocoon-like comfort in the sheltered station, in the settling night sky. For the majority of us from the northern hemisphere, the constellations are new and unfamiliar. We learn to navigate in the black by watching the direction of the Southern Cross and we watch for the first of the iridium flares — reflections from the satellites that keep us in touch with the outside world.

Two or three months in and the night still feels positive and powerful. Two or three months in, however, and the reality of a vacant sun and isolation begin to take their toll, rendering personal feelings irrelevant. According to research compiled by Lawrence Palinkas, “Among the physiological responses to these environmental conditions are a complete absence of Stage IV sleep as well as sizable reductions in the amount of Stage III and REM sleep, a disruption of circadian rhythms, dyspnea, arterial hypoxia, headaches, hypocapnia, erythrocytosis, mild alkalosis, suppression of the immune system, and disruption of thyroid function.” The effects of the dark on your mind and on your physiology grow more apparent daily. Manifestations of memory-loss, sleeplessness, and mood swings all creep into normal interactions. Palinkas offers the scientific terminology to use. For us, we simply say that you are getting “toasty.”

We are all affected in some degree or another and all of us move down the slope together. Isolated as we are, we don’t have an easy comparison to see how we have been affected. Veterans tend to laugh it off as the names of our friends begin to slip from easy recall. Attempting to come up with simple words becomes a chore — referring to something as common as a boat becomes, “that thing that, you know, floats on water and hauls stuff.” We stare off into the distance, often in the middle of a conversation and count how many times we’ve tried to tell the same stories to the same friend. Small disagreements balloon into massive arguments beyond any logical perspective and basic troubleshooting of problems requires extreme concentration. None of us have an accurate understanding of how much or how severely we’ve been affected — we won’t, until the sun has crawled back above the horizon and the station opens again.

For six months now, we’ve been on pause. Our cares and concerns from the outside world have been muted, rendered distant, physically and emotionally. Our day-to-day routine consists of simple plans, of familiar people and few responsibilities that exceed what has become habit. Expectation followed us here in the form of our plans, our hopes, and our goals. The expectations built up over the beginning of the season, and played out calmly or not at all. The future happened to other people, was worried over by those long away from here. We’ve been able to simply exist, continuing along at a pace unaccustomed to change. Though we have our challenges — to us our world is simple and comfortable. It is simply here.

And then the sun started to rise.

 

 

We first noticed it in early August. Clouded horizons had masked the beginning few days of twilight that we were supposed to be able to see. There were rumored whispers that someone had seen something — an edge of color on the horizon from the corner of their eye — but nothing solid. Then, in the middle of a weekend concert, excited yells led to ill-clothed runs to the observation deck. Cheering, smiling, laughing, joyous piles of people ran out at seventy below, hopping barefoot for moments, breath clouding faces and wide, thrilled eyes. In the distance stood the barest glow of orange.

Suddenly we find ourselves thrust into the undetermined future. The sun cracked the horizon on September 22 and the evidence of its rising grows daily. Even in an overcast sky we can now see drifts, other people, and all of the station at once.

No longer able to avoid it, we are pushed into planning vacations and the next job, into finances and the pragmatic aspects of the future. We are pushed into wondering about friends and family soon to be seen again, into wondering how we will react to them, to the outside world. We are forced to wonder how they will react to us.

Our expectations for the season are now measured in progress versus the time left. Our goals, our projects, and our ambitions are laid bare to the truth of what we have accomplished. We have no choice but to weigh our own minds toward failed pursuits. Do we struggle with self-doubt or do we treat them as casualties of the dark and move on? We begin to count our victories and contrast our memories against the grip of nostalgia. The great unknown has moved from a vague fog of dream and wonder to storm clouds brewing on the horizon.

The last couple of months of the winter season are described as among the most difficult and trying, because the drama and conflict are knocked up a few notches. The rising sun drives a fierce desire to move on and experience the next step of life. It is easy to assume that this is due to the effects of the long dark. The suspicion is growing that it is instead to do with our rebirth into the world at large.

To waver too long on self-reflection and the unknown of the future is to become lost. Now is to relearn decision-making, to plan again after a year-long break and to face our actions from the past year. The waves are rising, the wind is building, and the time to pick a direction and run strong is nigh.

The other night, when the sun first cracked the horizon, the storms that had been obscuring its rise cleared for several hours. A group of us gathered around the galley windows to watch. Not yet fully crossing the cover of land to sky, atmospheric refraction left the top of the sun rippling. Pieces of it seemed to break off and hover above it, shimmering into blue, then green, and disappearing. In all the rest of the world one might be lucky, on the clearest of days with the flattest of horizons, to see the flash of green for only a second. Here, we watched it dance for hours.

This is our sunrise — our one sunrise that brings with it more than any other before. This is our demarcation point, a decided moment that cannot fade like an ordinary dawn back home. It is our marker for the change that we find has already happened and the untold affects that this experience will bring for years to come.

 

 

[ Click here to view the accompanying visual essay ]

 

Young and foolish

The train screeches into the 7th Avenue station while I am descending from the street. By the time I swipe my Metrocard and take the stairs two at a time down to the platform, I hear the annoying bing-bong sound of the doors closing, and I am left standing by while the train gathers speed to the next stop. I wonder how little events could have transpired or conspired so that I would have been able to make the train. If I had made the green light at Lincoln Place on my walk to the station…If I hadn’t gotten the “too fastswipe again at this turnstile” message (which honestly only makes me swipe faster in frustration)…If I hadn’t changed my clothes twice…This last one is less about a vain concern for my appearance and more about a subconscious ploy to procrastinate going to work.

Now that I have the time, I walk toward the back of the train. For all of the stations I frequent I am well aware of the location of the exits. If I’m going to work, I want to be at the back of the train because when I arrive at West 4th Street the stairs to the street are closest to that end. When I go to the gym, I get in the very first car with the train operator. In other cities where the trains and platforms aren’t as long, this probably is not common practice. I figure right now while I’m waiting for the next train, I’m on the MTA’s time. But when I get to West 4th Street, I’m on my clock and I don’t want to waste precious minutes walking the length of ten train cars to get to my exit.

The Q train arrives and I’m waiting for the B, so I step back to give those now running down the stairs for their train a wide berth. I have a friend from Atlanta who refused to run for the train when she was visiting. I understand this. She’s on vacation and there will be another train along in a few minutes. Though, let’s be honest, even then I have to fight the urge to sprint to the waiting train. I mean, if I can get where I’m going five minutes faster, why wouldn’t I hurry? She clucked that I had become too “New York minute,” always rushing, and I should ease my pace before I have a heart attack. This is the same person who will breakneck down I-85 twenty miles per hour above the speed limit, weaving in and out of traffic, to shave a minute off her commute. But I digress.

During the day, when trains come every few minutes, my friend’s philosophy is fine, but not at one a.m. when time between trains can be twenty to thirty minutes. Then I turn into Jackie Joyner-Kersee. I’ll hurdle garbage cans, sleeping homeless people, and small rats to be on that train before the doors close.

This has led me to another interesting point. New York’s subway is the only major subway system in the world to operate twenty-four hours a day. In more civilized places, the local government expects people to be deep into slumber by midnight when their trains stop running for the night. So when my friend refused to run for the train as the clock struck one, I knew we were in for a long wait and in terms of subway creepiness, there is a big difference between 1:00 a.m. and 1:30. Why were we even in the subway at that hour? (Note to my mother: Please stop reading here.) The answer is simple: money. At the time I was an assistant to the assistant and, weighing the fifty dollars it would have cost us to take a cab versus the then-$1.50 to ride the train, there didn’t seem to be a contest. As we walked from the train station to my apartment after 2 a.m., I could see the headline: "Foolish Women Should Have Taken Cab." (Or if it was the Post: "Hacked for 50 Smacks.")

Not long ago an eighteen-year-old girl was struck and killed by a train because she had jumped on the tracks to retrieve her new cell phone. The train operator, who watched helplessly as he saw her struggling to get back onto the platform but couldn’t stop in time, will probably be in therapy for the rest of his life, as will the two men who tried to pull her up from the tracks but instead had her ripped from their hands as the train barreled into the station. The cost of the phone? Fifty dollars. People who weren’t there shook their heads at how stupid she was to risk her life for that amount of money.

 

Bruce Lee, Chinese American martial artist

I’ve come to understand that life is best to be lived — not to be conceptualized. If you have to think, you still do not understand. —Bruce Lee, Chinese American martial artist

I’ve come to understand that life is best to be lived — not to be conceptualized. If you have to think, you still do not understand. —Bruce Lee, Chinese American martial artist

Victor Tan Chen is In The Fray's editor in chief and the author of Cut Loose: Jobless and Hopeless in an Unfair Economy. Site: victortanchen.com | Facebook | Twitter: @victortanchen

 

Bruce Lee, Chinese American martial artist

The meaning of life is that it is to be lived, and it is not to be traded and conceptualized and squeezed into a pattern of systems. —Bruce Lee, Chinese American martial artist

The meaning of life is that it is to be lived, and it is not to be traded and conceptualized and squeezed into a pattern of systems. —Bruce Lee, Chinese American martial artist

Victor Tan Chen is In The Fray's editor in chief and the author of Cut Loose: Jobless and Hopeless in an Unfair Economy. Site: victortanchen.com | Facebook | Twitter: @victortanchen

 

Bruce Lee, Chinese American martial artist

The perfect way is only difficult for those who pick and choose. Do not like, do not dislike; all will then be clear. Make a hairbreadth difference and heaven and earth are set apart; if you want the truth to stand clear before you, never be for or against. The struggle between “for” and “against” … Continue reading Bruce Lee, Chinese American martial artist

The perfect way is only difficult for those who pick and choose. Do not like, do not dislike; all will then be clear. Make a hairbreadth difference and heaven and earth are set apart; if you want the truth to stand clear before you, never be for or against. The struggle between “for” and “against” is the mind’s worst disease. —Bruce Lee, Chinese American martial artist

Victor Tan Chen is In The Fray's editor in chief and the author of Cut Loose: Jobless and Hopeless in an Unfair Economy. Site: victortanchen.com | Facebook | Twitter: @victortanchen

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