Spiral Railway

Field notes.

Park by Hudson River along empty stretch of road. Low, sandy, no-man’s land. Mountain behind us. Odd to find riverfront undeveloped this close to New York City.

Walking along road shoulder, discover why. Line of scrub opens to reveal two giant concrete domes. Indian Point 2 and 3 nuclear power plants. No sign of people or activity over there. Stillness like a monument.

Roadway littered with usual plastic trash/broken bottles. Also, 100 or more spent highway flares: white plastic caps, few inches around. Major accident? Or prank? Kids want to take some home. “Maybe later.”

Start hike just past old sand quarry. Low willows and swamp maple, tangle of blackberry, leaves with that dusty, side-of-the-road look. In undergrowth, sections of carpet, rusted machinery, a bedspring. Kids delighted. This is better than nature.

As trail heads up, forest starts. Oak and birch, exposed gray granite. Then, suddenly, set of moss-covered stone steps. Kids sprint up, whooping. Discover tunnel –  twenty-foot long tunnel – in middle of woods. Goes nowhere, connects nothing. Inside, not quite dark. Man-sized sandstone blocks let light seep in. Spray-paint everywhere: “Fuck,” “Jesus Saves”; lots of names/dates. Like a cemetery. Or a news flash. “I was here. I was here. I was here.”

Outside again, check guidebook. Tunnel is from proposed Spiral Railway. 1889. Visitors meant to dock by river at hotel/restaurant (near sand quarry), then ride train to top of mountain. Two big steam generators – one halfway up, one at peak – to haul trains by cable over this tunnel, 900 feet to top. Ten minute trip. At peak, another hotel with observation tower/gardens.

“Visitors will be startled and awed by the sublimity of the views on every hand. Near and far they will behold a panorama of scenic grandeur that can be equaled nowhere on the globe … Elevations of thought and impulse, as well as bodily vigor.”

Elevations of thought and impulse!

But real pay-off to follow: trip down via gravity. Nine-mile spiral, three switch-backs, swerves, swoops, zoom through tunnel to starting point by river. Whole mountain transformed to thrill ride! Estimated train speed: fifty m.p.h. Estimated visitors: 2,000 per day. Site only thirty-five-mile boat trip from NYC.

“The toiling millions of people who take an outing once or often during the summer in search of strengthening, invigorating, life-giving oxygen of a pure air, and the healthful stimulant of a radical change from the monotony of their daily toil. …”

Life-giving oxygen of a pure air.

Ruins more obvious higher up. Old packed gravel rail bed, scars from dynamite, boulders stacked to side. Out through treetops: bits of blue river, houses on hillsides, green lawns. Routes 9 and 9-West follow curve of Hudson. Off in distance: Bear Mountain Bridge, traffic circle. Path gets steeper. Adults short of breath, kids looking for shade. Buzz of insects amongst oak, maple, pine. Then, boom!, woods gone.

Whole region hit by forest fires this summer. Newspaper pictures of men in smoke masks. Here, groundcover burnt black; big trees on ground, tops still green. Like pick-up sticks, or giant safety matches. Standing oaks have blue jelly residue around trunks: flame retardant. Kids’ sneakers gray with ash. Orange plastic “EMERGENCY” ribbons. Discussion of causes: global warming, natural cycle, bad forestry, God.

In spring 1890, crew of 200 worked here. (Italian immigrants?) No trees then: forest all clear-cut for lumber. “… A vast track of inhospitable mountain and rock. ….” Deer next-to-extinct. Workcamp down by road in flats. Big canvas tents, cookfires, streams of pack mules climbing barren switchback trail.

Eight months later: “[Progress is] considerably impeded at present by some trouble between the contractors and the company.” Grading two-thirds finished, huge steam generators ordered. National economy booming, but major strikes in Homestead, Pennsylvania; Coeur D’Alenes, Idaho. Wall Street panic on the way. Newspapers predict the full force of men will go back to work [on Spiral Railway] after the first of January.” Never happens.

Past fire site, kids find another tunnel. This one dug straight into mountain. Dank air at rubble entrance, walls cold. As eyes adjust, floor littered with soda cans, trash. Too dark (high?) to see ceiling. This to be sudden shrieking entrance into chill passage, then back out into roller-coaster sunshine. Never completed. Pick marks still in rock, drill holes waiting for dynamite. Not a tunnel, after all — a cave.

Outside, sit on cliff edge, feet dangling. “Panorama of scenic grandeur.” Tiny cars on tiny roads, no sound. Keen of marsh hawk riding thermals. Dark river cutting green hills, making pine islands: how many thousand years? Glimpses of suburban houses. Pop. more than 17,000 within two miles; 75,000 within five miles; 250,000 within ten. But hidden by trees. On opposite bank, almost small enough to forget, concrete domes.

2:31 p.m.: Snack on pepperoni and cheese. Below, sensor in Indian Point 2 shows temperature problem. Workers assume false alarm (similar incident four days earlier). But reactor automatically shuts down; emergency generators kick in. Management decides routine glitch: good chance to catch up on regular maintenance.

3 p.m.: Start back down. Circuit breaker pops in back-up generator. Calculated odds of this malfunction: once in 1.4 million years. Later explanation: “Auxiliary transformer load tap changer” left in manual position by mistake. Emergency generator no longer feeding batteries. Water pumps/emergency core-cooling equipment not receiving enough power. Potential result: inability to cool reactor, meltdown.

No sirens, no sign of disturbance.

3:45 p.m.: Reach bottom after climbing over railbed, past scene of forest fire, through lower tunnel, down stone steps. Kids told to leave old highway flares alone. Car safe where parked, hot from sun. In case of “risk significant event,” escape plan calls for mass evacuation along this two-lane road.

4:35 p.m.: Slow drive home. Radio playing pop tunes, sports talk. Stop for ice cream.

8:30 p.m.: After dinner, kids to bed early. Tired from climb. Sweet snoring within minutes. Adults watch TV: nothing on. No news flash.

9:55 p.m.: Back-up batteries providing electricity to plant fail altogether. 75% of control room instrument panel goes dark. Start of official “Unusual Event,” level one. (Three Mile Island, 1979 = level four.) Public still not notified. Per owners of reactor, “operated in the red region of risk” but only one-in-500 chance of damage to nuclear core.

One-in-500.

10:30 p.m.: Adult bedtime. Management of Indian Point 2 makes first call to notify local authorities that plant “continually deteriorating” and on “Hot Standby.”

3:43 a.m.: Everyone sleeping. Reactor enters “Normal Hot Shutdown.” Plant exits “Unusual Event.” No story in next day’s paper. Six months later, when pipe in steam generator leaks, Second Level Emergency declared. Radiation escape. Again, no sirens.

6:21 a.m. Sunrise. Mountain in silence. Vegetation growing over Spiral Railway. Marsh hawk?

 

Peddling Christ

What does the evangelical community in America do when faced with the upcoming release of The Passion of the Christ, a controversial film that critics have denounced as rife with potential for inciting a wave of anti-Semitism? Take full advantage of the opportunity.  

The Passion of the Christ deals with the last twelve hours of Jesus’ life and focuses largely on the crucifixion.

The Anti-Defamation League has opposed the release of the film on the basis that it would spark a rise in anti-Semitism. Abraham Foxman, the national director of the Anti-Defamation League, stated this summer that the members of his organization “are deeply concerned that the film, if released in its present form, will fuel the hatred, bigotry and anti-Semitism that many responsible churches have worked hard to repudiate.”  

Taking advantage of the upcoming release of the film on Ash Wednesday, February 25, some churches have collected money to give cinema-goers tickets to the film.    

Pastor Cory Engel, of Harvest Springs Community Church in Great Falls, Mass., explained his opportunistic program by stating: “Here’s a chance for us to use a modern-day technique to communicate the truth of the Bible.”  

Gibson, who co-wrote the script, produced and directed the film, contributed a hefty sum — something to the tune of $25 million — out of his own pocket to finance the project.

Gibson, a Roman Catholic, did not shell out nearly as much as the $90 million that John Travolta poured into Battlefield Earth: A Saga of the Year 3000, a film about the Scientology story of a vile race of aliens that attempts to enslave the human race, but Gibson’s motivation for creating the film was similarly spiritual.  

While Gibson’s family upbringing does not necessarily have any bearing on his interpretation of the Bible, his father is a Holocaust denier.

An honest and earnest desire by Christians to convert the unsaved is certainly part of the Christian teaching to spread the good word of Christ; that this film should be the vehicle for proselytization is, however, deeply troubling.  

Mimi Hanaoka

 

Knock, knock …! doorstep politics

“I’m not interested,” said the annoyed man, eager to return to the din of the television behind him. He wore a concert t-shirt of a half-rate band and smirked as if to say, “Are you kidding me? I came to the door for this?!”

“Thanks anyway,” we replied, forcing ourselves to smile as the annoyed man shut the door in our faces. “Not interested?” I asked my friend and fellow door-knocker, Brent. “Not interested in what, contributing to society?”

Part of Howard Dean’s “Perfect Storm,” we had caravanned with three carloads of volunteers, all the way from Chicago, past what claimed to be the “World’s Largest Truck Stop,” to Iowa City. There we met up (no pun intended) with other Deanites at the Super 8 Motel for a quick training and our assignments. We had all come to help win Dean the Democratic nomination, but many of us would leave humbled after confronting the raw face of the voting and non-voting public.

Brent and I were sent out to go door-knocking at a low-income housing project near the University of Iowa. It was one of those mid-70s complexes designed more to prevent free assembly than to live in. Each building was like a small hive of ten or so apartments encased in an abundance of fire doors and surrounded by way too much parking.

Using our outdated list of registered Democrats and Independents as a guide, we started knocking on doors. “Hello, this is Brent and I’m Ben,” I’d say. “We’re volunteers for Howard Dean. We’re out today to see if you’re planning on attending the caucus on Monday?” Then we’d wait for some sort of response to see how to proceed. The vast majority of people were not at home. Of those that were home, many had a response similar to our annoyed man, brushing us off as if we were trying to hawk satellite dishes. While this was disheartening, we kept our spirits up by composing witty comebacks for each apathetic, non-voter (of course we’d do this after the door had been closed).

Thankfully, we were rewarded with some  interesting, even politically engaged characters. I was about to knock on one door when I was greeted with a loud, “Oh yeah, you like my cock inside you, don’t you?!” We decide not to knock on that particular door. But down the hall, a man answered the door and, for a moment, restored our hope in the future of the democratic process. He was a tall, gray-haired, black man dressed in a light blue kaftan. When the door opened, out wafted what smelled like lamb stew. As we gave him our standard Dean pitch, a big smile grew across his face. “I support Dean,” he responded in a thick accent we’d later learn was Sudanese. “But I cannot vote yet because I am not a citizen. Perhaps next year,” he added confidently. Delighted to find someone with a genuine appreciation of the unique freedom we have in our electoral system, we shook the man’s hand and thanked him.

In the end, our trip to Iowa didn’t do much for Dean. In fact, it’s possible that our presence hurt the campaign. What it did do was afford us, and countless other volunteers, a glimpse of both the full potential of our democracy as well as its greatest disappointment. I returned to Chicago humbled by this vision but determined to return as often as I could to the doorsteps of America.

Ben Helphand

 

Constructing an unhealthy conservatism

Recently, plans to build a new Planned Parenthood clinic in a low-income neighborhood in Austin, Texas, were halted when Browning Construction withdrew from the project right before building was slated to begin. Word on the street is that Browning was under significant pressure from pro-life groups, which had gained momentum when Bush signed the Partial-Birth Abortion Act of 2003 a few weeks earlier.

In fact, according to Browning Construction worker Chris Danze, the company’s official justification for backing out of the project was that they feel that Planned Parenthood promotes ”sexual chaos“ and ”indiscriminate, unregulated, unsupervised sexual activity with no parental supervision or input,“ which Browning doesn’t want to promote.

Danze, who subsequently formed Texas Contractors and Suppliers for Life, hopes that Browning’s action will encourage other construction workers to abstain from condoning the pro-choice movement through their construction commitments. The group hopes to deter Planned Parenthood and similar projects from seeking their services in the future to the point of ensuring that such projects cannot find contractors, putting the health of thousands of men and women at stake. This development corroborates suspicion that the mounting pro-abstinence/pro-marriage campaign is working against the interests of lower-class women and men at the grassroots level, where corporate interests still dictate business and policy decisions — and apparently, reproductive health options.

Given that the majority of the services Planned Parenthood provides are basic health care and reproductive health care (most frequently, for women who can’t afford it)— not abortion counseling and procedures — there is far more at stake in this movement than the right to abortion. For women who cannot otherwise afford quality health care, the right to life might also be at stake.

It is worth noting, however, that the growing conservatism behind Browning’s decision has also mobilized pro-choice and women’s rights groups, who saw this as a wake-up call for just how far the pro-life/pro-abstinence movement is willing to go — and how much clout it is garnering. Thanks to a significant outpouring of support for Planned Parenthood, another construction company recently began construction on the site. But it is unclear whether such pro-choice/women’s rights groups have the clout and strength in numbers to keep this dangerous conservative tide at bay.

Laura Nathan

 

One man, no votes

A decade ago, the first term of Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s presidency in Haiti was briefly cut short by a military coup. In the name of democracy, U.S. troops put Aristide back in power. But what has ensued in Haiti since that time has been anything but democratic.

After Aristide was elected to a second term, apparently all the power went to his head, as his response to threatened boycotts of last year’s legislative election demonstrated. Rather than confronting the reality that his party faced stiff opposition in the election, Aristide cancelled the election, dissolved the legislature and, in turn, gave himself the authority to rule by decree.

Not surprisingly, the Haitian people are paying a steep price for Aristide’s rendition of democracy. During the past few months, more than fifty Haitians have been killed, thanks to the street violence that is ensuing as Aristide’s opponents meet stiff resistance from pro-Aristide forces. As the Haitian people have learned, opposition to Aristide only increases his hold on the power that has gone straight to his head — and to the streets of Haiti.

What is the rest of the world doing while Haiti devolves into bloodshed and violence? In the U.S., the situation in Haiti rarely makes the news, and even when it does, the stories are brief. Bush is probably turning a blind eye to the situtation since the U.S. did, after all, help keep Aristide in power, thereby condoning his tyranny. But then again, Papa Bush also armed Saddam less than two decades before his son ravaged his country and ousted Saddam from power. Moreover, the U.S. is too preoccupied with Iraq and Janet Jackson’s breast to focus its attention on a Caribbean nation that isn’t exactly known as an oil hotbed.

Other Caribbean nations, meanwhile, are pressuring Aristide to speak with them and implement reforms. Their success, however, remains to be seen as violence and bloodshed become increasingly commonplace on the streets of Haiti.

With the next presidential election slated for late 2005, one question on nearly every Haitian’s mind is whether Aristide will call off this election as well. Given that Aristide’s revolution seems to be the only revolution from within that is succeeding, the best hope for the Haitian people to win back their democracy is to vote Aristide out of office as soon as possible. But 2005 seems to be a long time away when one cannot walk out on the street without wondering if she or he will return home alive. Perhaps the best solution for improving the lot of the Haitian people is to pressure Aristide and his supporters  to ensure that he begins implementing reforms in Haiti now to quell the violence caused by his leadership and to pave the path for Haitians to reclaim their democracy by exercising their right to vote in 2005.

All of this, of course, is easier said than done, particularly when the fate of the Haitian people relies so largely on the interest and power of one man. But since Aristide has successfully used domestic opposition to strengthen his hold on power time and time again, one can hope that he will begin to listen when foreign leaders get involved.

Laura Nathan

 

Silencing the art of genocide

Now that a comedy about Nazi propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels has been aired on prime-time German television, perhaps there is no subject that is truly taboo. It seems, however, that humanizing Hitler and exhibiting his art was going one step too far.

Bizarrely citing an overwhelming amount of public interest as the reason for scrapping the planned display, Toshiba Entertainment has cancelled its plans to exhibit a painting by Adolf Hitler. Hitler’s painting of a Viennese church was intended to be part of a package to promote the film, Max, which depicts the young Hitler as a struggling artist and explores his relationship with Max Rothman, a Jewish art dealer. Some criticisms of the film are that it humanizes Hitler and trivializes the Holocaust.

While it would be unproductive to avoid serious and critical examination of a topic simply on the basis that it may be taboo, no serious artistic endeavor can justify trivializing the Holocaust.

In a staggeringly inarticulate defense of the film, director Menno Meyjes stated: “Hitler made a choice to become a monster because he found life very difficult — well, we all find life difficult, especially if you are an artist or aspire to anything.”

A defense of the artistic merits of the controversial film might be enlightening; submitting that Hitler’s difficult experiences make his genocide comprehensible is horrendous.  

Mimi Hanaoka

 

Religious Segregation

With the legal and philosophical justification that the Muslim headscarves have a distinctly political dimension, France will very likely enact a ban on wearing religious symbols in state schools. The ban, slated to become law next week, would apply to headscarves, crosses, turbans, skull caps and possibly beards. The bill proposes: “In schools, junior high schools and high schools, signs and dress that conspicuously show the religious affiliation of students are forbidden.”

In a highly diplomatic move, and unwilling to step on French toes, Mohammed Sayed Tantawi, the Grand Sheikh of the al-Azhar mosque in Egypt and one of the most important religious authorities in Sunni Islam, has upheld the French ban.

If this law is passed, it will do far more damage than stamp out religious pluralism and stifle religious freedom. Students will become separated along religious lines, especially if they or their parents believe that their only option is to attend a separate Muslim school, such as the institution that was recently founded in Lille. France will not be united under the banner of secularism; it will become polarized along religious lines. Islam is now the second largest religion in France, and this ban will be rightly interpreted as a thinly veiled attack on the country’s growing Muslim population. Fueled by righteous anger and driven into separate schools, a population is being created in France that is susceptible to being swayed by a radical interpretation of Islam.  

Mimi Hanaoka

 

The 9-10-3 project

1 writer, 4 cameras, 13 photographers, and 100 rolls of film.

Click here to enter the visual essay.

The exile capital for Tibetan refugees, Dharamsala, India, has a charm that can either seem quaint and ordinary or strikingly out of place. The stains and scars of the past are covered up by brightly colored prayer flags, and relegated to pieces of literature that the tourists pick up, skim, and shake their head in disbelief upon completion. There are a number of places where the memories ooze out in a somewhat unmarketable way, but for the most part, Dharamsala triumphantly celebrates the Tibetan culture while swaddling the dehumanizing memories in the folds of their robes and tucks of their chubas.

The 9-10-3 Project puts the prayer flags of Dharamsala in the foreground, but also stirs the wind. It deals with the force of labels human beings invent that cause severe destruction, dehumanization, and identity reformation. The names “dissident,” “freedom fighter,” “nun,” “activist,” or “prisoner” all carry inescapable connotations and consequences that manifest in ways only barely accessible to an inquisitive outsider.

We’re interested in this dichotomy of why the hellish past must be isolated from the exiled present; why accounts of political prisoners’ experiences are promptly punctuated with notes such as, “He escaped to India and presently lives in Dharamsala.” One might be left with the impression that only the pain is sexy enough to read, that the rest of this survivor’s life is insignificant, and somehow, as if upon exiting the prison walls, his or her life becomes ordinary and normal.

 

Fetishizing Japan

Angering some and appalling others, Briton Karl Beattie has recently claimed that he is a samurai, despite the fact that the samurai class was officially abolished in 1868.

In recent months, a number of popular films, such as Lost in Translation, The Last Samurai, and Kill Bill have been released, and it is unclear whether jettisoning Japan into the popular consciousness has sparked claims such as Beattie’s. Perhaps Beattie’s absurd claim that he was granted the obsolete title by the Japanese Emperor — the Office of the Imperial Household told The Japan Times that it has done no such thing — is merely emblematic of a strangely and culturally inappropriate misplaced tendency of self-aggrandizement.

Mr. Beattie gushingly asserts that “Being a samurai is the ultimate honor.”

Challenging and expanding notions of national and cultural identity is certainly a productive thing to do. But what this sword-wielding Briton is suggesting is both anachronistic and troubling. This self-styled samurai is harkening back to a pre-modern feudal system in a highly militarized Japan. While it is doubtful that Mr. Beattie will have any significant impact, cultural or otherwise, it is problematic that he is, in effect, fetishizing a historical and cultural phenomenon.

When he is not busy occupying himself with the samurai way of life, Mr. Beattie runs a British production company. One of the company’s hit shows, Most Haunted, features Mr. Beattie’s wife, Yvette, tracking down ghosts and attempting to prove paranormal phenomena.  

Mimi Hanaoka

 

Wars not between people

When countries fight each other, innocent civilians are caught in the crossfire, with governments taking little time to consider the more personal effects of war.

Two soliders await a helicopter in Long Khanh Province to evacuate their fallen comrade. (Pfc. L. Paul Epley, 1966)

Sometimes wars are not between people, but between countries. Sometimes people just get in the way of wars between governments, like pawns in a chess game. Expendable, inconsequential, beside the point. Not involved, yet present — and in present danger. Individuals in a hostile country simultaneously serve as victim and perpetrator, refugee and criminal, innocent and guilty.

I think that message might have been hidden in President George W. Bush’s October 7, 2001 presidential address to the nation: “The oppressed people of Afghanistan will know the generosity of America and our allies.” According to our president, we were at war with the Afghani government but not with the Afghani people.

I am not sure what his statement means. I hope the soldiers knew what Bush meant as they dropped the bombs, the bombs that were dropped by people and fell on people. People who were Afghani, who hated the Taliban, who loved their country, who were enlisted in armies, who feared for their lives and safety. Nationalities and loyalties, homeland and security, can get all mixed up in the process.

During 1991’s Operation Desert Storm, when we began bombing Iraq, starving the Iraqi people, and interrupting their water supply, I worked in Washington, D.C., at a scientific society. I watched two of my Iraqi coworkers — father and daughter — come to work with heavy hearts. They didn’t support Saddam Hussein, but they had family and friends who were still in Iraq. They knew children who were living under the fear of bombs. The footage on CNN every night was not abstract to them. And yet, each day they came to work, and their taxes were taken out of their paychecks. And those same taxes went to fund the bombing campaign.

As the war in Iraq lingers again, I find myself thinking of them. The daughter worked for me, as a temp, doing some filing. She had been evacuated in the dead of night from her Peace Corps posting because of an uprising in a small African country. She was to start law school in the fall, but at the time she was straightening out the membership files for the society and trying to heal because she never got a chance to say goodbye to the folks she left behind so suddenly. The twenty-three-year old loved punk music and hid a tattoo on her wrist by wearing a watch. Growing up in the D.C. suburbs, she was as American as you or I.

Her father, a director of the association, was leading an Iraqi peace-through-understanding movement in his spare time. He was frightened by talk of internment camps in the United States for Iraqi Americans. The father had a heavy accent; there was no mistaking that he was from the Middle East. Yet, he had seized the American dream. He had risen to a good management position and understood how citizens could create change.

His was a familiar story to me — being taxed to fight the homeland and the confusion of loyalties. Even though my grandfather and my father were Jewish Holocaust survivors who immigrated to the United States, they were still German. This concept eludes many people in this time of consciousness about the Nazi concentration camps of the 1930s and 40s.

An American soldier wounded in France during World War II. (1944)

My family was German and spoke German. They loved German things. Instead of hotdogs, we ate knockwurst and bockwurst with sauerkraut flecked with caraway seeds and coarse spicy mustard. While other families made potato salad with mayonnaise, we used bacon and vinegar. I grew up loving sliced tongue, pickled herring and landjaegers, while my classmates ate ham, bologna and American cheese. We grew German raspberries in our garden, sweeter and brighter than what everyone else knew as raspberries (I see them now in markets as “wineberries”). When my mother bought a bright yellow 1972 VW Beetle, my grandfather yelled and screamed, but truth be known, he loved riding in it. Even though he didn’t smoke, he had a sterling silver cigarette case from Mercedes until the day he died. It was a gift for having a perfect driving record for twenty-five years. He loved German cars, even though he wouldn’t buy one. He collected German postage stamps. My grandparents insisted on living amongst other “refugees,” but they would only socialize with the German ones. They wanted nothing to do with the Eastern European Jews, who were, in their minds, “dirty.”

About ten years ago, when I was about twenty-five years old, I was dating a man whose mother, as a teen, had come from Germany with her family in the 1950s. His parents and mine led parallel lives, living in Philadelphia, attending the University of Pennsylvania, traveling in the same circles, having nearly identical small weddings a year apart, having their first born in 1966. Our grandmothers said “miserable” with the same accent — “me-sir-rah-bell.” I loved the story of his mother making pickled herring every New Year’s Eve, using beets and sour cream even though no one would touch the pink gooey mess. It never occurred to me, when I traveled to his parents’ home in Tennessee, that he didn’t tell them my family was also from Germany. That I was Jewish. Nor would I have thought that he might, I guess. We’d been friends for years. I was a name and some stories to him, not a religion to be announced and worn like an arm-band.

We were sitting at the dinner table with his parents when his mother made an off-handed comment about a cousin who perished during World War II in France. I blanched. I was sitting at a table with a woman whose first cousin was killed in Paris during the occupation. He was just sixteen at the time. I lost my appetite. I was stuck in this house in Tennessee for several more days. I confronted my friend after dinner. I’m not sure what I said, but I’m pretty sure it wasn’t, “Gee, you never told me your mother was a Nazi sympathizer.” Sure, I knew that she had to have been in Germany during the Holocaust. Sure, I knew they weren’t Jewish. But I had this image of them being fearful and hating the government — not fighting for it. I felt that hating the German government was a moral imperative. At the time I thought there was no other sensible way to feel. I don’t remember what I said to my friend about my feelings, but I remember his response: “There are tragedies on both sides of any war.”

I try to think of this sixteen year-old boy who was drafted and killed as a tragedy. This Nazi, this boy, this enemy, this murdered child. I remember helping the mother clean up the kitchen later, telling her my father was from Stuttgart, but not having the courage to mention something innocuous like Hanukkah or Passover to see her reaction, which I’m sure would have been a politically correct one. His parents were educators and liberals. I’m sure it would have been fine to mention my bat mitzvah, but something stopped me from bringing it up. I was a guest in their house, and my flight home was still several days off. In some ways, I wasn’t comfortable with bringing it up, making an accusation, starting a conflict. The topic was surely too sensitive for both of us.

In light of my friend’s child-soldier cousin, I have to remember that my grandfather, a Jewish refugee but also a German, was gassed twice by the Allies as he fought side-by-side with Germans, with the likes of Erich Maria Remarque in the trenches during World War I. Twice he lay in the hospital, his lungs filling with blood. Fighting for the country whose Final Solution, less than twenty years later, was to see him dead.Being gassed by the country that would welcome him to its safe haven in 1938, when he fled for his life with his family.

I have a box of pictures from his time fighting in the war. Him sitting with fellow soldiers drinking beer, smiling, laughing. Standing near monuments. He was having the time of his life.

All the while, the chemical weapons that would be used against him were being developed at my alma mater, American University, in the very building where my office is now. Perhaps the very place where, now as a professor, I meet with my students. My grandfather survived, but many other Jews who fought as Germans during World War I went on to die in concentration camps. I have proof of this, a rare German book that was put together as pro-Jewish propaganda — a list of Jewish men who died or were wounded during the Great War.

Burial at sea for the officers and men of the USS Intrepid (CV-11) who lost their lives when the carrier was hit by Japanese bombs during operations in the Philippines. (Lt. Barrett Gallagher, 1944)

Tragedies on both sides, sides on both sides

The chemicals that the Army developed during World War I to gas the German soldiers were carelessly buried all around American University. The leaking canisters are causing cancer clusters to this day from the high levels of arsenic. Instead of the Axis powers, the Allies are today gassing the wealthy residents of Spring Valley. The Army Corps of Engineers is still scrambling to end this final battle of a war that most believe to have ended nearly one hundred years ago.

My grandfather, after being naturalized as a U.S. citizen, adopted a young German so that he could enlist near the end of World War II. The young man never returned from the war. A Jewish refugee who had lost his entire family, he wanted nothing more than to go back and fight against the country of his birth. He died turning against the country that turned against him first.

My father was a member of the U.S. Army military intelligence force in 1950s Germany. Though this was during the Korean conflict, my father had been tapped to return to Germany because of his language skills. There, he was driving a Jeep through a pre-wall West Berlin. He was getting shot at as he acted as a Cold War era decoy — real spy, cloak, and dagger stuff — wearing a tan U.S. Army uniform and carrying a brief case stenciled with the words “Top Secret” lying in plain sight on the seat next to him. A German-American, spying on Germans — East Germans perhaps, but Germans nonetheless — and being set-up by Americans.

And now, America wages another quick war with Iraq. A country we supported — a regime we supported, armed against Iran — against the theocracy we thought was evil in 1979 when they held Americans hostage. After decades, Saddam Hussein’s Stalinesque tactics became too much to bear. We fought one war, then another. Ten years ago, we dropped our Patriot missiles and smart bombs. We instituted economic sanctions. Iraqis starved. When that didn’t work, we attacked again.

Just like my family — Germans in America — Iranians and Iraqis in America keep paying taxes and hope for an end. They watch the news and vote. They’re glad a tyrant is gone, but they’re confused by the suggestions, by the ever-shifting policies and alliances. They wonder if it isn’t the punch line to some macabre joke when Bush asked Iraq to look to Iran for a model Muslim government.

A neighbor who emigrated from Iran in 1979 looked aghast when I asked him how he felt about the Iraqis fashioning their government after Iran’s. Had it gotten better? He couldn’t even speak. He’d gone back for a visit just a few years back. “No,” he said. “It’s still much the same.” His two toddlers frolicked in the yard. He looked down and continued to rake the fall leaves — hurrying to get them all to the curb before the arrival of the county leaf collector.

Iranians and Iraqis, like most U.S. citizens, are confused by the possible lies our government tells about Hussein’s weapons, about the pretense for war. Yet, ever still, they’re Americans. They’re hopeful for the promised enduring peace. Not only for their adopted homelands, but for their motherlands, friends, neighbors, and family as well.

STORY INDEX

SPEECHES >

President George W. Bush
Oct. 7, 2001 address to the nation
URL: http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2001/10/20011007-8.html

FOOD >

Landjaegers
Photo of the traditional German food
URL: http://www.sacredrock.com/Nowicki’s%20Landjaeger%20in%20smokehouse.jpg

ORGANIZATIONS >

Army Corp of Engineers
Spring Valley cleanup project
URL: http://www.nab.usace.army.mil/projects/WashingtonDC/springvalley/overview.htm

PEOPLE > REMARQUE, ERICH MARIA >

Biography
URL: http://www.kirjasto.sci.fi/remarque.htm

 

Searching for belonging

2004 Best of Columns (tie)

Shopping for palm oil, cardamom coffee, and identity.

Despite being born in New York and raised in Tennessee, I can say that for most of my life I haven’t felt like an American. My citizenship couldn’t overcome my race. I’m black, a member of the group that has been the quintessential “other” in this country.

Just the names we embraced illustrated our position outside the mainstream. The first Africans came to this country as slaves, who could in some extraordinary cases buy their freedom. Within two generations, though, black skin and bondage had become so intertwined that the word “slave” became a synonym for “black person” by the end of the 17th century. After Emancipation, former slaves and their progeny wore and discarded a host of names: colored, Negro, black. The word American didn’t become part of that designation until the late 1980s, when black leaders lobbied for the term “African American.” Their justification made sense: We could claim both halves of our identity, grabbing hold of the present without rejecting the heritage of the past.

But being something is different from talking about it. I was and am more comfortable with the word black than I am with African American. I like the way the one-syllable word explodes from my lips. At 49, I’m old enough to remember when calling someone black meant a whipping — not a spanking — for a child and a sure enough fight for an adult. I enjoyed the transformation from insult to compliment.

Besides, I just didn’t feel like an American before. However, that’s beginning to change. Although I’m still black (and will be until I die unless something miraculous happens to change my skin color), I am now constantly struck by how American I really am. It’s not because American society has become more accepting of black folks. Something more mundane is motivating my revelation.

I’m shopping, more and more, at ethnic grocery stores.

Nowadays I live in Cleveland, Ohio, one of the old, Midwestern cities that is fighting economic decay. This was a manufacturing town, and that past has left it completely unprepared for a world where factories in Asia make everything so cheaply no American company can compete.

When folks think of Cleveland, they don’t think about diversity. In its heyday — from the early 1900s until the bottom fell out of the manufacturing era in the 1970s — people came from all over the country and the world to work in this region’s factories. Cleveland became a city of Eastern and Western Europeans, Southern blacks and whites, Puerto Ricans, Mexicans, Chinese, and Lebanese. Everyone came and set up churches, clubs – and stores. One can eat his or her way around the world without leaving the seven counties that make up the greater Cleveland metropolitan area.

Within a fifteen-minute drive from my house, I can buy palm oil at the Ghanaian market, or cardamom coffee at the Lebanese store. I can stop at the Korean place for a bottle of that extra-hot Vietnamese pepper sauce that my African friends adore. The Indian store sells the brand of loose tea that has replaced those Lipton teabags I bought at chain stores like Tops and Giant Eagle. And the Russian deli sells the chocolate candy I give to kids in the neighborhood.

I shop at these places because they are nearby and they have the things I want. But running into the Indian store isn’t the same as a quick trip to the twenty-four-hour supermarket. In fact, I can’t really run into the Indian market; I walk in slowly. I browse and ponder. The minute I enter one of these little markets I realize I’m an American. While the stores are in America, they are not American places. They are enclaves, a little bit of home for the people who shop there, and a reminder, to me, of where I come from.

These are places to buy hair oil that smells like sandalwood, not like citrus. The chocolate drink on the shelf is Ovaltine, not Nestlé’s Quik.

These are places that carry the frozen goat meat and instant fufu flour that makes home cooking taste authentic, not desperately patched together from substitutions. These are the places where, on the most basic level, the regulars speak the same language: the language of food and life and experiences. When I walk in the door, it’s obvious I don’t belong, but the reason I don’t belong isn’t because I’m black. It’s because I’m American.

Even though I go to the Ghanaian market for a container of palm oil for my peanut butter stew, I unconsciously expect to see bottles of Mazola and cans of Crisco. I know that the Indian store carries jars of ghee, not sticks of butter. Still I habitually walk to the refrigerated food section, not the shelf. These little assumptions and habits betray my identity in a way I can’t control. Yes, I’m black, but I’m a black American. I look at the world the way an American does, craving wide, open spaces and places to expand.

Perhaps that’s why the stores look so tiny to me. We shop at “big-box stores” and “mega-markets” where goods come in cartons and you can buy enough toilet paper to last a year. We want shelves that rise from the floor to the ceiling. We want to choose between ten kinds of whatever we buy because more is better and we want access to as much as we can.

At the ethnic markets, the shelves are sometimes fully stocked and sometimes they aren’t. Sons and daughters tend the cash register; friends stop in to chat with the owner. The stores resemble the corner stores of my youth: intimate places that disappeared when Americans sprawled farther into the suburbs.

But while these stores are quaint to me, they’re more of an excursion than a place to run errands. How can a family-owned shop fight against a superstore that can crush its competitors by staying open twenty-four hours per day, selling food at low prices and marketing to diversity by including an aisle of “ethnic” groceries?

Perhaps the small ethnic shops could market what has been for me an unintended consequence of multiculturalism: They’ve shown me how much I belong, however uneasily, to the mainstream.

And all for the price of a box of tea.

 

We all do it

issue banner

Opinion writing: We all do it. Because whether or not we commit it to paper, we all harbor, formulate, and rework opinions on just about every matter, from the morning commute to the Democratic primaries to the war in Iraq. The opinion piece is our most democratic form of writing. Not only is it accessible and provocative and engaging, but it can also give us a new in to an old story or a much-needed pause on a steady stream of digital information. And in a time of increasing polarization and global activism, political and social commentary gives context to experiences that otherwise would just get buried in paragraph twenty-three of a news story.

On that note, we’d like to introduce you to a new channel of editorial writing and cartoons at InTheFray. We hope you’ll find commentary here that makes you want to IM your friends, chuckle, or take action in your own community.

In her first column, veteran journalist Afi-Odelia E. Scruggs tackles how the flux of immigrants to the United States has complicated, interrogated, and perhaps even changed the identity of fellow African Americans. With an astute eye for details, Scruggs takes us food shopping (really) and into another way of seeing racial and ethnic definitions.

Scruggs, who now makes her home in Cleveland, Ohio, has previously penned her observations while working as a metro columnist in Dayton, Ohio. She’s reported for newspapers in Mississippi, published three books, and teaches in addition to writing.  In future columns, you’ll see Scruggs offer up commentary on the way we wrestle with the past and our tangled heritages, and how we form what often turns out to be an ever-changing identity.

We’re also delighted to offer you the comic strip, “Secret Asian Man” (SAM). The creation of Tak Toyoshima, it has become the first widely printed comic strip with a leading Asian American character. It’s downright funny, endearing, and irreverent in taking jabs at stereotypes that are created and perpetuated from inside and outside the Asian American community. Once a metal head and now a dad, SAM in this issue fields questions about his run for the presidency. If you want a man who can take out Bush, SAM is the one.

In upcoming issues, we will also bring you a column by Benoit Denizet-Lewis, a 2004 Alicia Patterson Fellow and award-winning reporter and magazine writer who focuses on youth culture, gay culture, politics, and sports. He’s authored cover stories for The New York Times Magazine and written for Spin, Out, and the Boston Globe Sunday Magazine. Stay tuned for his commentaries.

We hope you’ll read, comment, and consider submitting your own opinions (and photos!) as follows:

For the April issue, two ITF channels — Interact and Image — are looking for Commentary Features and Photo Features that have to do with the subject of love crossing boundaries. We’re looking for your own thoughtful and humorous first-person stories exploring what happens when two people from different categories start looking at each other “in that way.” Be they Catholic/Jew, vegetarian/carnivore, Republican/Democrat, buff/unbuff, we want to know how possible or impossible it is to be with someone from the other side, what issues come up, what conflicts arise, what accommodations are made, how friends and family feel about it, and how it improves or makes life a little tougher (though it’s worth it, of course). Pitches for April should be sent by February 21, to love@inthefray.com. Did we that mention prizes, in the form of a $50 gift certificate to an establishment of your choice, will be given for the top three stories?

For the May issue, Interact is looking for undergraduate students at colleges and universities to weigh in on segregation in American higher education and throughout contemporary youth culture. Many school districts in the South and the North are more segregated than they were two or three decades ago as white flight and separation are still quite real. Similarly, many colleges and universities continue to have segregated dorms, segregated student clubs, segregated fraternities and sororities, segregated lunch spots, segregated graduation ceremonies, and segregated academic departments. In light of the segregation persisting in educational settings, there is more of a consciousness of a multiracial America. People — Tiger Woods among them — are celebrating their mixed racial heritages. Hip-Hop is bringing a new cultural identity to teens and young adults that seems to trump race. So is it still as necessary to celebrate your own ethnic or racial identity as it was in the aftermath of the 50s and 60s? Is identity less important in the new consciousness of a multiracial America? Or is the talk of multiracial consciousness nothing more than talk — just a passing fad and the hope of idealistic young people? Using these questions as a starting point, contributors should submit short well-argued statements regarding how integrated we are as a society fifty years after the Brown decision. Pitches for May should be sent by March 10,
to: divide@inthefray.com.

So, please remember to get vocal, get passionate, take sides, and let us know what you think.

Daisy Hernández
Assistant Managing Editor
San Francisco

personal stories. global issues.