Genocide’s deadly residue (part two)

2004 Best of Identify (runner-up)

The international community looked the other way while more than 800,000 people were murdered in Rwanda 10 years ago. Now, justice remains elusive and the harsh aftermath of orphans and HIV, psychological scars and physical scarcity threaten to prolong the killing.

Go to part one

Building solidarity among women

Women’s organizations may offer the best chance for Rwanda’s future. Avega Agahozo has a project in the southern city of Butare, involving orphans, and both genocide widows and the wives of genocidaires  who make traditional baskets to sell at craft shops. Countless other associations have similar projects targeting rural women.

I met Laurence Mbarishimana, a female farmer in her 30s, on a steep roadside in Ruhengeri. She said she has benefited from an association called Twisungane, which brings together Tutsi and Hutu widows and helps them with agriculture. “Before the genocide I must admit I was very ignorant,” she said quietly. “Before I used to harvest 30 kilos of beans, but now I harvest 50 kilos.” Mbarishimana also thought that the two groups could coexist: “There is no reason that people should not live together, especially if one group is willing to ask forgiveness.”

Rwanda’s violent history may even provide common ground for women. “Now Rwandan women know that all women can be raped,” said Marie Immaculee Ingabire of Pro Femmes. “We have to build solidarity between us because we are targets in the same way in a conflict situation.”

After the parliamentary elections last fall, Rwanda now boasts the highest percentage of women in parliament of any country in the world (48.4 percent). Some Rwandan women are still skeptical that this will make a difference in their own daily lives.

Agnes Musabyimana, 33, is another woman farmer in Ruhengeri. Clutching a leather-bound Bible as she left a prayer meeting, she told me that in her village, women have unhappy marriages and live hard lives. She said that there are an equal number of male and female leaders, but there hasn’t been any change. “They’re not working for our benefit,” she said flatly. “It’s for their own benefit.”

Nevertheless, Ingabire felt that the recently elected women in parliament would be subject to pressure from their constituents. “This is very important for us, because now even these women who are in parliament, if they are not able to make changes, we can change them,” she said.

Moreover, she said the fact that so many of those left to rebuild the country in the wake of the genocide were women has been important in changing traditional social attitudes.

“I don’t know that genocide can have a good side, but I think that because of the genocide, the mentality now has changed in this country. Because Rwandans saw that now women are able to do something, are able to build the country. So they have to give them the opportunity,” Ingabire said.

In the end, many survivors are not sure that the much-vaunted reconciliation is likely or even desirable right now, but they hold it out as a possibility for the future. Aurea Kayiganwa of Avega Agehozo said tolerance and justice must come first. “It’s very hard for us, to lose your family and be asked to make unity and reconciliation. We can’t imagine that, but we do it for our children.”

Lake Kivu, on Rwanda’s western border.

Telling the world

On a hill above Kibuye, the church of Home St. Jean overlooks the luxuriant green shores of Lake Kivu. Its stonework and beautiful stained glass windows are unusual for a church in this part of the world. It is such an idyllic place that it is difficult to believe the horrors that happened here. But directly in front of the church is something it shares with so many other Rwandan churches: a genocide memorial. The memorial is simple, several concrete tombs with new wreaths on them, and a sign saying that several thousand people were killed here in 1994. I saw the church and memorial before I met Mbezuanda, so I had no idea of the life and death struggle that had gone on inside.

When I was done interviewing Mbezuanda, we stepped out of her house and took photos. As we posed I put my arm around her shoulder. I didn’t realize that such a simple gesture would mean so much to her. She grinned and clasped my hand. We walked down the steep, red dirt path to the car, with her holding my hand the entire way. I was used to seeing women hold hands with each other in Africa, so I didn’t feel strange. As we got to the bottom of the hill, Mbezuanda was still smiling and she remarked that holding hands with me reminded her of her husband, and how they used to hold hands.

I realized at that moment that Mbezuanda’s isolation was not merely social, but physical. The immense stigma of being HIV positive, added to the strange position of being a living reminder of events that many would rather not think of, meant that Mbezuanda probably had little physical contact with anyone but her orphans. It was a harsh and unexpected situation for a woman living in one of the world’s most densely populated countries.

On my way back to Kigali, I passed the church again. After hearing Mbezuanda’s harrowing account, it now looked sinister. Though Mbezuanda’s husband and children were in those tombs, she was not. Instead, she was telling the world about what had happened to her, and however difficult the task, it meant that the genocide did not succeed.

STORY INDEX

MARKETPLACE >
Purchase these books through Powells.com and a portion of the proceeds benefit InTheFray

The Graves Are Not Yet Full: Race, Tribe, and Power in the Heart of Africa
by Bill Berkeley.
URL: http://www.powells.com/cgi-bin/partner?partner_id=28164&cgi=product&isbn=0465006418

We Wish to Inform You that Tomorrow we will be Killed with Our Families
by Philip Gourevitch.
URL: http://www.powells.com/cgi-bin/partner?partner_id=28164&cgi=product&isbn=0312243359

When Victims Become Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda
by Mahmoud Mamdani.
URL: http://www.powells.com/cgi-bin/partner?partner_id=28164&cgi=product&isbn=0691102805

A People Betrayed: The Role of the West in Rwanda’s Genocide
by Linda Melvern.
URL: http://www.powells.com/cgi-bin/partner?partner_id=28164&cgi=product&isbn=185649831x

A Problem from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide
by Samantha Power.
URL: http://www.powells.com/cgi-bin/partner?partner_id=28164&cgi=product&isbn=0060541644

The Rwanda Crisis: History of a Genocide
by Gerard Prunier.
URL: http://www.powells.com/cgi-bin/partner?partner_id=28164&cgi=product&isbn=1850653720

Aiding Violence: The Development Enterprise in Rwanda
by Peter Uvin.
URL: http://www.powells.com/cgi-bin/partner?partner_id=28164&cgi=product&isbn=1565490835

ORGANIZATIONS >

Frontline: The Triumph of Evil
URL: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/evil/

Human Rights Watch 1999 Report: Leave None to Tell the Story
URL: http://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/rwanda/

Rwanda 10
URL: http://www.rwanda10.org

The Rwanda Project: Through the Eyes of Children
URL: http://www.rwandaproject.org

The Survivors Fund
URL: http://www.survivors-fund.org

 

A wild life

2004 Best of Through the Looking Glass

Leading simple but hard lives, Brazil’s cowboys are responsible for producing much of the beef that fills North American supermarkets.


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to enter the visual essay.

For over 100 years, Brazil’s cowboys have earned a living and shaped a culture with their bare hands and sweat. The life of a cowboy in Brazil is not for the timid. It is an intense existence filled with hard work on long, hot days. To herd cattle in the midwest of Brazil is to live.  

Brazilian cowboys  lead simple lives. Most had a father or relative who was one. They do not regret passing by other opportunities, because their life is handed to them at a young age. Cowboys, or peoes as they are known in Portuguese, begin training very young. They accompany their elders until the day comes when  they start the ride to herd beef cattle with other peoes.

Most cowboys live their entire lives on the same ranch. As part of their pay, housing on the grounds is provided at least that’s how it works on the many ranches of renowned Porto Murtinho Fazendeiro, Nelson Cintra.

On Nelson’s ranches, cowboys like Rivalino receive a monthly salary based on skill and performance. They also receive housing in general living quarters, or in a small two-room house if they have a family. When they need medical care, all they need to do is ask, and the boss will normally pay.

This is not a bad life, considering the economic situation in Brazil. A small and wealthy elite still controls most of the land and resources, and much of the population continues to live in poverty. In rural areas there is no middle class. Most of the simple shacks of rural laborers lack water supply, sewerage, and electricity, unless they are lucky enough to live on a ranch.

Brazilian society displays vast inequities between rich and poor, leaving a huge economic barrier. Despite economic progress, the situation in Brazil is that of a profound schism between the haves and the have-nots. Those who become cowboys in Brazil live a simple existence but are grateful for whatever little they have. They work hard during the day and play hard at rodeos at night, an occasional respite. However, much of the rural population — especially cowboys and their families living on ranches — lack access to educational, social, and financial resources which could dramatically improve their position in life.

Being a Brazilian cowboy is not a revered profession. It’s not envied or sought after by many. There is even a stigma attached to it by some  who see cowboys as uneducated, illiterate, and socially inept. It may be true that most don’t receive an education past elementary school, if at all. And they rarely leave the ranch for excursions to the city. You can almost count on never seeing a cowboy visiting a museum.

But when we look at the beef surrounding us in supermarkets and restaurants, we can begin to appreciate these cowboys for dedicating themselves to their profession, day in and day out.

 

A good day for Grant

For another child it would be a typical day at school. But for Grant, a seven-year-old coping with attention deficity hyperactivity disorder, it's a day of frustration and loneliness.

Click here to enter the visual essay.

Today was a very good day for Grant,” Kay McNeil, a teacher at Mary Paxton Keeley Elementary School, said on Wednesday, May 5, 2004. “We’ve been working on his not hitting other kids. For a week and a half, he hasn’t hit anyone.”

Seven-year-old Grant Lanham was diagnosed with attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) when he was three. He has been taking medication for it ever since.

Nowadays so many children have been diagnosed with ADHD that there is public concern about potential widespread over-diagnosis. However, Grant’s parents think he cannot function in school without taking his medicine.

When Grant was first diagnosed with ADHD, the Lanhams already knew what to do. Jordan, Grant’s older brother, was given the same diagnosis eight years ago after a teacher told the Lanhams that their son could not sit still in his seat at school. At that time, the boys’ father, Geoff, realized he had suffered the same difficulties during his own childhood. Four years ago, Geoff Lanham was also diagnosed with ADHD, a hereditary disease.

“When Grant was about three years old, he was twice as bad as Jordan and he would run into the street after you said to him to stop and wait for an adult. He was constantly moving and on the go,” said Grant’s mother, Pam Lanham.

Grant visits his doctor every three months to make sure his medication is working the way it should, and to make sure he is gaining weight properly, because his medication suppresses his appetite. The Lanhams say medication helps Grant keep himself more in control.

Although children with ADHD have problems concentrating on tasks at school because of their hyperactivity, many are smart and surprisingly creative. Sometimes Grant spends hours reading books or building Legos at home. He likes science and math, and surprised his teacher and parents with verbiage unusual for seven-year-olds.

“His mind is always looking at things in different ways,” Pam Lanham said. “I wish we could channel all of Grant’s energy into something constructive.”

One problem for children with ADHD seems almost counterintuitive: an excess of attention, or hyper-focusing. It is hard for Grant to shift his attention from one thing to another. He is a happy boy at home because he is usually free to indulge in whatever he is interested in whenever he feels the interest. However, if Grant is interrupted, he gets frustrated and yells.

Grant also has some problems with group socializing. At school, Grant not only lacks concentration in class and excessive focusing, he also shows aggressive behavior on account of his impulsivity.

“Children with ADHD cannot function with other children sociably,” McNeil said.

Grant sometimes gets frustrated and pushes other children when they do something he doesn’t like.

“ADHD children have a very short fuse and get angry very quickly and they don’t realize they are angry,” Geoff Lanham said.

One day, Grant kicked the father of one of his classmates at school. After Grant threw a fork at a girl in lunchtime, he had his lunch at the principal’s office — alone.

“He doesn’t have any friends,” Pam Lanham said. “That’s probably the hardest part of the whole thing.”

STORY INDEX

ORGANIZATIONS >

Children & Adults with Attention Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder
URL: www.chadd.org

Federation of Families for Children’s Mental Health
URL: www.ffcmh.org  

American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry
URL: www.aacap.org

Fight for Kids
URL: www.fightforkids.org

 

The specter

2004 Best of Interact

She could never really appreciate her father’s 30-year struggle with multiple sclerosis. Until her own fingertips went numb.

My social worker tells me that it is hard to grow up with a chronically ill parent. She says it’s okay to feel neglected. Angry, frustrated, robbed, dysfunctional. She’s talking about my childhood. But as I put a hand on my burgeoning belly to quell the kicking, tears come to my eyes.

Before I was even born, my father felt numbness in his hands. It was right before he got engaged to my mother. The doctors called it stress. And whenever it occurred, my father would laugh and say, “I must be under a lot of stress.”

When I was in fourth grade, we went to get glasses together. I was becoming nearsighted; he was having trouble focusing. The doctor gave him exercises instead of glasses. It wasn’t until eight years later that the doctors began to mumble, “M.S.” — Multiple Sclerosis.

At my college graduation, my father was walking with two metal, arm-brace style crutches. He wore polished dress shoes and a lime green leisure suit, which he was proud to announce had cost him only $16 due to a computer error. Other fathers wore khakis, colorful polo shirts, and well-worn boat shoes.  I have a picture of him smiling a toothy grin. To me, he was a burden and I wished he would walk faster — without falling.

M.S. winds its spectral ways through my life, and in and out of my heart and my brain. But before you have an image of me in a wheelchair, let me say, aside from residual tingling in my hands and legs that ever so rarely abates totally, I am currently symptom free.

Though I was haunted before I was even cognizant of it, my first memory is of early elementary school, first or second grade. The M.S. Society was sponsoring a read-a-thon and sent an accompanying film. I watched the film. In fact, I can still see the images when I close my eyes; it terrified me so completely. In the film, a man is getting married and while leaving the church he’s pelted by rice and experiences a moment of double vision. He rubs his eyes. Later, we see the same man on the beach throwing a ball. The ball rolls off his fingertips and he has to scramble to pick it up. He laughs. The next scene shows the same man, now with a beard, in a wheelchair looking out at the world with a vacant stare.

I took the read-a-thon to heart — I read many books — maybe 100 — and signed up many neighbors as sponsors. I felt that anyone could drop a ball or get rice in their eyes and see double images for a few seconds. Perhaps if I read enough books, raised enough money, I would be immune.

M.S. was all around me in so many ways. Right after college, my roommate went through the same thing with her father, diagnosed with strokes that no one noticed, then M.S.

A friend who always came for Thanksgiving was diagnosed. She faded quickly.

In the early 1990s, I belonged to a women’s salon. We were 20-somethings who got together once a month to drink red wine and discuss Anita Hill, Susan Faludi, and Camille Paglia. There was a member whose mother had M,S. My new friend drove a station wagon for the express purpose of taking her mother to the mall with her scooter. In contrast, my own mother didn’t even want handicapped plates.

My new friend was terrified of getting M.S. I became petrified. M.S. is not hereditary, we learned, but it does cluster in families. At that time, the statistics said that she had a 3 percent chance of getting it as the daughter of an afflicted mother. I had a 1 percent chance of a father/daughter connection. A 99 percent chance of escaping the apparition’s clutches, crutches. The statistics gave me false hope.

While I was working at an association and writing the company newsletter, the husband of a co-worker became very sick with M.S. He could still draw cartoons, which I published. He died when his lungs gave up.

My mother put my father in a home because she became afraid that he would burn the house down.

When I married, we had a separate ceremony in my mother’s living room for my father. I didn’t want to get married in a nursing home with the prevailing odor of urine in the air. Also, my father couldn’t handle crowds. So we paid for a van and a nurse to bring him to my mother’s home in Philadelphia. My mother bought him a silk, midnight blue paisley
robe to wear over his hospital pajamas. He was happy; I have pictures of him grinning toothlessly, but I don’t think he had a clue who I was or what was going on. I wore my mother’s wedding dress, which he didn’t recognize. I exhaled when they took him back.

We held a second ceremony in Washington two days later with lots of guests in a beautiful place, so that I could still have my dream wedding.

In May 1997, I had been married for almost a year. One morning after painting a door in my basement, I woke up with slight numbness in my fingertips, like I had been in the bath too long. I thought it was from being careless cleaning up the paint, messing with the paint thinner, but deep down I had a feeling.

In August, I was teaching a fiction workshop in rural Garrett County, Maryland when I woke up with hands and feet that felt like they were asleep. I panicked.

I knew. I was stuck in the woods, but I knew. I tried to think of something else.

When I returned home, I saw five doctors. They diagnosed me with carpal tunnel, Reynaud’s phenomenon, hyperventilating, water retention, and depression. But I knew. When I went to visit my father, I struggled not to say, “It’s starting.”

In the fall, my father’s nursing home doctor called me. I was working at a university and there was a line of advisees standing at my door. The doctor told me that my father had septicemia, a blood infection, from a rash they couldn’t control and asked my permission to let him go. I couldn’t decide what to do. My father was 64, could not walk and was incontinent. He couldn’t read or understand television. He used to believe that my mother made him sick, had poisoned him. Now he believed that it was the work of the nursing home. He didn’t know who my mother was and briefly had a relationship of sorts with another woman who would harass us when we came for visits. He was very unhappy. He hated the psychiatric ward in the Veterans Hospital, but it was the only place that would take him once he started biting. And when he bit, he drew blood, from nurses who tried to help.

He was more like an advanced Alzheimer’s patient than what most people envision M.S. patients to be like. He didn’t recognize me. He had no quality of life. So I asked what measures they wanted me to withhold. When I found out that the medication I would be withholding was intravenous antibiotics, I told the doctors to go ahead, move him to the hospital wing. Hook up the I.V. Save him. Antibiotics didn’t sound so heroic to me. That was early September. The doctors grudgingly complied.

About a month later, on October 25, with no warning at all, I woke up numb from the waist down. I had gone to sleep fine, and woke up without feeling. I could walk, simply because I could remember how, not because I felt my legs or the floor under my feet. I took a hot bath and massaged my legs. I tried to tell my husband. I went to the mall and bought a pair of comfortable, supportive shoes. And a colorful chenille scarf. And Polartec gloves. And new makeup, lipstick and mascara. Two large shopping bags of stuff. On Sunday, in the frigid, pouring rain, I went to the Major League Soccer championship game and my team won. I sat there wondering if I would ever be able to dance again. Feel sex again.

Monday, I called my doctor. We tried to get me in to see a neurologist. We failed. No one had openings for weeks. He sent me to the emergency room, and said he would have a neurologist meet me there. No one met me there. I received a basic neurological exam from an intern.

“Press down on my hands,” she said.

I pressed.

“Walk in a straight line,” she said.

I walked: heel, toe, heel, toe. I looked at her blunt page-boy hair style and wondered where she went to medical school.

“Close your eyes and touch your nose.”

She seemed nervous and unsure of herself. I snooped into my chart after she left. Positive for Bambino’s Reflex. Everything else was normal. When they tried to send me home after half a day of waiting, I screamed at the attending physician. His name was Dr. Love.

I saw a neurologist the next day. I had claustrophobia-inducing M.R.I.s, painful evoked responses and blood work. Nothing was conclusive, no tests showed any abnormality that added up to any diagnosis. My brain M.R.I. was clean. They had no answers. The feeling started coming back. I went back to work. Then I went to Jamaica.

In early December, I got another call from my father’s doctor. The infection was back. He had never recovered the first time. This time they strongly recommended against heroics. And this time, I took a deep breath and agreed to not medicate, nervously tapping a numb foot against the underside of my desk. My nails dug in to the bottom of my desk. His life as my father flashed across my brain — singing songs, cracking
jokes, tickling me until I screamed.

Now he was mostly a vegetable, his only reaction to stimuli was to bite. Whose fate had I sealed? I went to see him and said goodbye. He was no longer conscious. He was frail, bald, toothless, and sunken, and covered in oozing sores. He was wrapped tightly in a white sheet, as if it were all ready over. The fact that the nurse put on latex gloves made me afraid to touch him.

My mother handed me gloves from the box on the cart. I stroked his arm, his forehead. His only response when we were there was to try to bite the nurse when she adjusted his oxygen. He was dead from kidney failure a few days later.

We held a memorial service a week later on the winter solstice, the longest night. The rabbi who performed the service kept talking about how lucky my father was to get out of Germany in 1938. The crowd at the funeral home remembered my father best as the life of the party, a champion downhill skier, and an energetic businessman — not as the animal caught in a trap that he was at the end. So they were was aghast at the notion of my father being “lucky.”

After the service, I struggled with telling my mother that she wasn’t done with M.S. yet. Her only child was doing better, but I still couldn’t walk more than a block. My father had his first symptom at 30. I was 31. He was dead at 64, after a long struggle.

I thought of a friend from graduate school who had broken up with a long-time musician girlfriend. During a weeklong flicker of a dying flame, her hearing problems were diagnosed as M.S. He worried that leaving her now was evil. He didn’t want to pull a “Newt Gingrich.”

In June, I had a miscarriage. I was pregnant, just barely, and I knew something was wrong because my period was eight days late, but the home tests were still negative. I was very tired. I felt dizzy. When I finally got a very faint positive, I ran to the doctor. She called me with blood results the next day.

“You are what we call ‘a little pregnant,’ she said.” “You will miscarry any time now.”

As I put the phone down, the right side of my whole body started to go numb. From my ears and scalp to my breasts and stomach on down to my toes.

My neurologist implied that this was it. This would mean definite diagnosis. Multiple incidents, separated in time and space. I sat in the car for 45 minutes and cried.

The next day I woke up with double vision. It lasted four days. I couldn’t drive, watch television, read, use the computer. Well, I could, but only if I shut one eye. So after a day, I drove to work and just kept one eye shut. And on the fifth day, I woke up and I could see normally. I never thought about the future. I couldn’t.

After the pregnancy loss and a short cruise, I had another set of M.R.I.s that showed the bright spots of brain activity. The only hopeful thing the doctor could say was that the severity of my father’s illness didn’t have a bearing on the progression of my situation. Not very reassuring. He wanted to start drugs, but I wanted a baby, so it was put off. He
told me that he didn’t recommend breast-feeding, so that I could start medication right away after the birth.

I clung to a memory from a seventh grade slumber party. Six girls draped in flannel nightgowns were lounging around on the shag family room carpet chomping ruffled potato chips with French onion dip while Space Invaders cast an eerie green shadow around the room. Someone turned off the volume. The mother of the party-thrower told us about her diagnosis with M.S. when she was in her 20s. She was working a job that she hated. She went blind, completely sightless, for six months. She quit her job and never had another exacerbation.

I decided to look for a new job.

Another adviser at my school was diagnosed with M.S. She had two preschoolers, one who was fed through a shunt in his stomach. The wife of a man in the college’s marketing department was diagnosed. They had four children. After I left, the woman who got my old office started having M.R.I.s.

I got pregnant again in November. In January, I had another exacerbation. I couldn’t use my hands. I couldn’t type; I couldn’t write. I couldn’t dial the phone or chop dinner. I cried that I wouldn’t be able to hold my baby or change her diaper. I stayed in bed for a day with the blankets over my head. What had I done? I had a fearless friend who let me practice holding her bouncing six month-old boy during the meditative silence of a Quaker meeting. I was surrounded by people who were holding me in the light. I cried. I almost dropped him. But I didn’t.

I got a new neurologist. He was very reassuring. He knew I’d be okay in week or two because in the second trimester of pregnancy, hormonal changes would kick in and reduce my symptoms. And I was okay. I got my hands back and that was the end of that.

I breast fed my daughter for over a year. I’ve changed more diapers than I’d like to think about. Now I hope the odds favor my daughter not getting M.S. She has a 97 percent chance of not experiencing the phantasm of feeling first hand.

And while questions about the future flash across my mind from time to time like subliminal advertising, the apparition has been at bay for over six years.

Except six months after my daughter was born, I was back teaching just a course or two and very sleep deprived. I teach a course about violence and I chose a combination of essays from the textbook to teach the concept of “analysis.” The first essay in the text was a newspaper report of a man who took a hostage and then committed suicide.

During class, I was horrified to realize that the man took the hostage because he was despondent about having been diagnosed with M.S. And even worse, the psychology text explained “learned helplessness.” The students were to draw the conclusion that the man took the hostage, had the stand off with police and committed suicide because of the unpredictability of M.S. I couldn’t believe that I had assigned this reading. I couldn’t believe that in my brief perusal, I hadn’t realized that M.S. had followed me into my textbook and set up housekeeping.

Some nights, I have trouble falling asleep, because of what I might be robbed of by morning. Will I be able to see when I wake, will I be lame, or worse, stupid? Some nights I get up and watch television, just because I can. The images that dance across the screen make sense to me, for now. And maybe forever. Maybe.

My students are now haunted. I remember their faces that fall 1997 morning when I showed up for class tripping over my own numb feet and using a cane. All of a sudden. One day. And while my students were analyzing learned helplessness, did I learn anything? Yes.

After I lost the use of my hands, I had a new respect for Bob Dole. As a straight party Democrat, this is saying something. But Dole’s war injury left him so he can’t use his hand. He most likely can’t buckle his jeans, tie his tie, or cut his food without assistance. His courage, I think, goes largely unrecognized.

I learned about ramps and what it’s like to be left-handed in a right-handed world.  I learned that men use only one hand to just dump shampoo directly onto their head and women need two to pour it into their hand first. I learned that if you send checks that look like a five-year-old wrote them and then sign them with your other hand, they don’t come back.

It’s fascinating to lose the use of something and get it back. It’s such a gift. I danced all over the house on the first day I could again. Like a wild woman. With abandon.

I never take holding my daughter or feeling the softness of her hair for granted. I cherish it. I cherish so much.

So while my mind does get perturbed by the phantom from time to time and my husband insists we live in a house that has only one floor, the apparition is keeping its distance right now. The specter of M.S. visits my family, my friends, my students, and my classmates in our imaginations — but not in my myelin.

M.S. scares us, makes us appreciate, and takes away and, sometimes, gives back.

STORY INDEX

ORGANIZATIONS >

Evoked responses
URL: http://www.nationalmssociety.org/sourcebook-evoked.asp

Exacerbation
URL: http://www.nationalmssociety.org/Sourcebook-Exacerbation.asp

Myelin
URL: http://www.nationalmssociety.org/sourcebook-myelin.asp

 

The wars history left behind

Even in an era of 24-hour news coverage, not all atrocities make the cut, including recent horrors in Sudan. Philosopher/essayist Bernard-Henri Levy spent a year of his life trying to find out what happened to the wars that time forgot, but was there anything left to find?

(Courtesy of Melville House Publishing)

There is, today, only one serious political problem:  the tragedy of the disappearance of the other.

—Bernard-Henri Levy

Top billing in the competition for media attention has been a veritable blood bath for the past few months. A summer of election politics, Olympic scandal, and the potential loss of overtime pay for six million Americans have dominated “above-the-fold” coverage of most major American newspapers.

What is remarkable about this summer’s press coverage is how unremarkable the stories have been. The old journalistic adage “If it bleeds, it leads” found little place in the editorial decisions of mainstream newspapers. Or else the crisis in Sudan has been deemed unimpressive by media standards for death and destruction. Although most major newspapers offer regular updates about the situation unfolding in Sudan, these stories hardly reach the fever pitch of Paul Hamm’s “mistaken” gold medal or the veracity of the attacks on John Kerry’s war record.

Acts of naming

After the unforgivable inaction in Rwanda in 1994, both the media and U.S. government have been quick to utter the ‘G’ word — genocide — but even such a declaration has not compelled us to act in any significant way. The political malfeasance of the Clinton administration should not be forgotten. After the decision was made to classify the brutal slaying of Tutsi Rwandans as acts of genocide rather than genocide — a critical semantic distinction since use of the latter term obliges international intervention under the 1951 United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide,  the Clinton administration actively blocked international action both through the United States’ privileged position in the United Nations via the Security Council and through less formal diplomatic channels.

After the deaths of 800,000 Tutsis, the United Nations was left to apply ad–hoc peacekeeping efforts in the form of refugee assistance and humanitarian aid. Where this was possible, many of those helped were members of the Hutu power militias that orchestrated and carried out the genocide. Regrouping in the camps in Goma, Hutu power militias led killings and attacks using the camps and assistance in the aid of such atrocities. The horrors that continue in Burundi and the Congo today cannot be disentangled from the sordid past of purposeful ignorance that characterized the Clinton administration’s lackadaisical response.

The first time as tragedy, the second as farce

The Bush administration’s version of willful ignorance in the case of Sudan has been to substitute directionless condemnation for action. An administration too committed to “global democracy” to wait for the United Nations to enter Iraq is now content to obey and wait for direction from those same painfully slow U.N. channels. The diplomatic sclerosis of the U.N. Security Council has yet to be condemned by the short-tempered Bush foreign affairs team — in this case. Even the decision to omit the explicit threat of sanctions from a Security Council resolution directed at Khartoum’s involvement in the Darfur region of Sudan was met with little more than disappointment.

Unfortunately, given the rhetorical power behind the Left’s critique of the Iraqi intervention, it is difficult to muster the intellectual consistency to decry this wait-and-see approach. The Democratic and moderate Left demand for a measured multilateral response in Iraq is being heeded in the case of Darfur. What we find at the heart of this deadlock is a strange double bind that has plagued Leftist politics at least since Vietnam: the opposition to empire lacks an alternative strategy and language for intervention.

Years of developing an anti-colonial critique of economic and military intervention have left most of the nations under the siege of violence without the basic resources necessary for defense or survival. Countries ravaged by both structural and military violence face a world of decreasing aid and attention. Some have accused the West of using half-hearted attempts at peacekeeping as an alibi for insufficient financial and infrastructure assistance.

Supporting minimal peacekeeping efforts to contain the fires started by post-colonial economic exploitation, Western nations are willing to commit just enough resources to create a kind of negative peace. That is, just enough stability to extract necessary resources, such as oil or cheap, expendable labor, but not a peace that allows for basic inequities — including organized sexual violence, debilitating diseases, or illiteracy — to be addressed in a comprehensive manner. It is this increasingly common vulnerability for which the anti-globalization, anti-empire Left has no answer.

Those who doubt this dark thesis should only ask why the invasion of Iraq inspired massive popular protest against the Bush administration for taking out a dictator while the daily murder, rape, dislocation, and terrorizing of as many as two million in Darfur has not inspired so much as a witty ad campaign from MoveOn.org (save the courageous acts by Danny Glover and a few others arrested outside the Sudanese embassy).

There is a selective silence, in that there is reporting on Darfur but inadequate political response regarding violence in southern Sudan — demonstrating a kind of bizarre narcissism in which only atrocities committed by the United States or other western nations matter. The failure of this fascination with our own destructive capability is that it obscures often more devastating and systemic levels of violence in what Bernard-Henri Levy calls the “forgotten wars” of planet Earth.

Even as the Bush administration and CNN grouse over the word genocide, vital elements of the conflict are omitted from the explanation of conflict in Darfur. The description of bloodthirsty Arabs on horseback now ubiquitously known as the Janjaweed in news cycles fits nicely into the current lexicon of Arab stereotypes. The blaming of internal ethnic divisions belies the fact that Western and Chinese oil development has played a fatally significant part in the massacres beyond the Darfur region, such as the Nuba mountains, Dinka villages, and Nuer populations throughout southern Sudan. Although described as a recent flare-up in ethnic tensions between Arab Muslims and Christian and Animist black Africans, the organized displacement and outright slaughter of villages in southern Sudan predates the narrow timeline cited in CNN’s coverage of the Darfur crisis.

Part memoir, part philosophical reflection on ethnic conflict, Bernard-Henri Levy’s recently published War, Evil, and the End of History relays accounts of southern Sudan identical to  “recent” events dating as far back as 1985, when, as a recent Human Rights Watch report argues, the Chevron Corporation began negotiating with Khartoum to gain rights to oil rich areas in southern Sudan. In a chapter dramatically entitled “The Pharaoh and the Nuba,” Levy recounts the aerial views of southern Sudan in 2001:

We have actually come upon the oil complex, in principle a no-fly zone, of the Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company, the consortium that includes the Canadian firm Talisman Energy, Chinese and Malaysian interests, and the Sudanese national company Sudapet. And now we’ve had confirmed what the NGO’s, Amnesty International, [and] the Canadian government itself, have suspected for years but which the oil companies and the state fiercely deny: namely that the government is systematically “cleaning” the land, in a perimeter of 30, 50, sometimes 100 kilometers, around oil wells; that the least oil concession means villagers harassed, bombed, razed, and columns of poor people chased away from their homes; in short, that wherever oil is gushing, wherever black gold is supposed to bring happiness and prosperity, the desert increases.

Levy goes on to chastise Carl Bildt, former U.N. emissary in the Balkans, for championing the oil companies’ building of roads and air-strips, which says Levy, are now used for bombing runs.

A 2003 Human Rights Watch report entitled “Sudan, Oil, and Human Rights” confirms the consensus cited by Levy with eyewitness testimony. According to a 1990 account of one Nuer villager, the army drove his family out of their town.

“What happened is the jallaba [Arab, but also the word used for slave trader] just walked into the village and opened fire so everybody just ran … The jallaba are wanting the oil,” he said.

When asked in an interview why he joined the rebellion, another young Nuer responded that Arabs had displaced his family. In return he asked, “Why do people disturb those who do not have guns?”  He answered his own question with one word: “Oil.”

Forgetting politics, forgetting genocide

What we find just behind the quick accusation of genocide by the Bush administration and others repeating shortsighted explanations in the popular media is the pursuit of another strategy of willful ignorance no less reprehensible than the Clinton administration’s denial of the Rwandan genocide. The overly simplistic, but seemingly progressive (at least compared to denial), decision to label the Darfur crisis genocide is hiding the disquieting details of its cause.

Is it possible in an age of almost total worldwide security surveillance that the Bush administration could have overlooked the direct correlation between the building of oil wells and the destruction of villages?

One could simply claim that this is an area outside the United States’ strategic (satellite and human intelligence) purview. But is that really possible given Sudan was one of the first sites of conflict with Al Qaeda?  Would the United States really ignore an Islamic government thought to have ties to the bombings of American embassies?

This seems unlikely. What is more likely is that U.S. involvement in the Sudanese peace process and the heavy investments of BP/Amoco in the Chinese oil companies that are dependent on Sudanese oil has created an incentive for stability at the price of genocide.

In an attempt to give voice to these forgotten or ignored histories, Levy’s book diagnoses the Sudanese conflict as an event outside of history. He refers to the people of southern Sudan as “the Damned.” That is not to say in his critique of Hegel’s and more recently Francis Fukuyama’s grand optimism for the “end of history” that Levy repeats the racist claim that Africa lacks the Anglo-European aptitude to experience and drive history’s dialectical progression. Rather, he suggests the United States and European states and businesses are stripping African events of their historic significance, leaving the living remainder of these “directionless” genocidal equations little more than their suffering to provide content to their existence. And even this we steal and sell to the merchants of 24-hour news feed.

Levy says our language euphemizes this process of dehistoricization and depoliticization as “humanitarianism.” In a brutal description of aid and the purely biological or health approach of current relief efforts as the “forgetting of politics,” Levy writes:

The confusion of humanitarianism with the politics whose place it is taking more and more … How can you avoid the political and make it seem you’re not avoiding it?  How can you abandon the disinherited populations of the Third World to their fate and prevent public opinion, whose emotionalism is familiar to us, from having a sudden awakening of conscience and reproaching their governments? By humanitarianism. A strong presence of humanitarian aid. The transformation of the government itself into a giant humanitarian aid agency. And a media/humanitarian frenzy that will at least have the effect of masking the absence of vision, of aim, of will. Sometimes, though, it’s not so bad; sometimes the humanitarians are the last ones, as I said, to carry the colors of Europe, to defend a certain idea of humanity and human honor and to remember, consequently, the time when it was through politics that one resisted oppression; I have known these kinds of humanitarians; I have seen their work, here, in the Sudan … But sometimes aid is catastrophic; and, without giving in to the temptation of pessimism, it is difficult not to reflect that the whole of the humanitarian apparatus serves to anaesthetize public opinion, to disarm its protests, and above all to discourage the initiatives of those who could be tempted to do more … That is the case here in the Sudan, where the humanitarian machinery has as its prime effect the prolonging of a war that the West has, if it wanted, the financial, hence political, means to stop.

It is this “humanitarian machinery,” as Levy calls it, on which the Bush administration is focusing its efforts. For whatever reason, the resolve to cross the line into the realm of political choices and military options is not present. The decision to do little more than think about the threatening of sanctions or offer to outsource our responsibility to intervene to groups such as the African Union maintains what Levy refers to in a June 24, 2004, interview with Charlie Rose as “a Western belief in two humanities.” One of dignity and one of sub-human suffering.

When Rose asked Levy why he wrote this book, Levy responded, ”No one else did it.” Levy went on to explain that he believes, “It may be because we believe in two Mankinds that Abu Ghraib happens.”  

Engaged journalism, or politics as usual?

Despite, at times, a very Eurocentric account of universal human value, what Levy contributes to the complexity of formulating a new Left response to genocide is a model of engaged journalism. In a moving description of French philosopher Michel Foucault’s brief stint as a journalist covering the Iranian revolutions, Levy describes a form of intellectual intervention in hopes of militating against the voyeurism of modern media atrocity coverage while also fulfilling what he calls the “responsibility of a writer traveling through the black holes.” This act of professional witnessing is for Levy what is truly to be done as an act of conscience.

Although Levy’s attempt to “be there” for the damned of Sudan and other forgotten wars should not be scoffed at, it is not entirely consistent with his nostalgia for the anti-fascist fighters of Andre Malraux and George Orwell, whom Levy would like to in some sense join. Not unlike the troubled — and at times confused — ethical inquiry of Christopher Hedges’ War is the Force that Gives Us Meaning, Levy declares that he is “sick of hearing talk of courage and heroism” in relation to the wars of which up-close seem to lose all meaning. He lambastes the “non-interventionists” of Bosnia and the opponents to the war on terrorism, going so far as to say, “There is one single objective: to stop burying our heads in the sand, to take responsibility of naming the adversary, and provide ourselves with the means to conquer him.” Levy is much more careful than the Bush administration in providing a precise definition of democracy’s enemy so as to distance himself from the Samuel Huntington-inspired Clash of Civilizations theory. But for those who wholesale dismiss the war on terrorism, there is a faint but discernable echo of great ideological — if not religious — war in Levy’s thesis. At his best, Levy contextualizes his definition of militant Islam in terms of a certain connection to a morbid desire for death over social change. In the introduction to War, Evil, and the End of History, Levy writes:

I knew enough about Islam, in other words, to suspect that, at the very least, two Islams exist. The new war, if there had to be a war, would be waged between these two Islams as well as between Islam and the West; and that to accept [Huntington’s] idea of an Islam entirely set against a Satanized West was truly too handsome a gift to give bin Laden and those who resemble him, and for whom he was perhaps only the front man.

Levy goes on to describe the role of an ahistorical interpretation of Jihad that has been politically hijacked by leaders such as Osama bin Laden. It is along these lines Levy is willing to locate his call to action.

However, it is such a call to action that creates Levy’s diametrically opposed theoretical positions: Heroic anti-fascist war and the anti-polemical commitment to witness, which are an aporia that not even Levy’s powers of literary flare and imagination can hide and at times clearly he does not want to hide. What is important about this book and its relationship to the current genocide in Sudan is the very schizophrenic impulse toward these two impossible goals that so aptly demonstrates the current ambivalence of the Left (particularly the anti-empire Left). Those of us who are troubled by the forgotten wars of Darfur and elsewhere are being torn in two by the increasing inconsistency and inadequacy of our anti-imperialist protest against intervention and the visceral call to respond to the Others who must not remain faceless and nameless.

While the Right’s ability to distract us from the greater global atrocities or “international escapades” under the preemptive doctrine can be addressed, what do we do once we possess the knowledge of who must be opposed and who must be joined in opposition? It is the transition away from the naïve politics of global retreat and non-intervention that poses one of the greatest challenges to the possibility of a global struggle for social justice. After all, the removal of the Bushes of the world without the removal of the bin Ladens from the helm of global agenda setting would simply shift the balance from one fatal ideology to another. Given the history of inaction on the part of the Democrats, including Kerry and John Edwards, even the hope of a new administration in the White House will do little to alter the trajectory of the conflict in Sudan and elsewhere. Change must happen domestically, but it must be real change, backed by a committed strategy to oppose the leaders that drive the other side of the conflict.

While Levy does an impressive job of describing the failures of current thinking on global conflict at the level of resolving the Left’s ambivalence, he offers very little. What seems overstated in his account of Sudan is the degree to which the “damned” are cut off from the knowledge of their own circumstances. Levy’s diagnosis of a loss of history may go too far, stripping those whom suffer of the human agency to resist and organize politically. This not only runs contrary to what Levy most admires about Foucault’s dictum, “Where there is power, there is resistance.” It also diminishes the capacity for cooperation between those in the West and the forgotten wars to work together against oppressive governments.

Another kind of European exceptionalism seeps in whereby only those in history can have the means to revolt. I do not believe this is what Levy intends, but intellectually, this is what the reader is left with. Contrary to Levy’s descriptions of hapless suffering, the Human Rights Watch report that seems to confirm many of Levy’s accounts of Sudan displays a slightly different picture of those who are the objects of genocide. In a pointedly self- and globally aware statement, one of the Nuer chiefs, Isaac Magok, responded caustically to a Human Rights Watch researcher in August 1999:

You are from America. We want you to see the location [in the fishing camp where we live]. I have seen on TV a village bombed in Kosovo … The U.N. brought camps and cooked food and then in little time everyone was laughing. Why do they not do the same to us?  Because we are black?  What is wrong with them?  You will see our conditions and then we will talk to you.

If our task, according to Levy, is to return to politics and escape the husbandry of humanitarian assistance, we must listen to the voices of those who suffer and insist on their rebellion. What is lost at times in the narratives contained by War, Evil, and the End of History is an attempt to find such political forces to align with seeing all acts of rebellions within the “black holes” of the planet as historically doomed. This seems to repeat the very forgetting of politics that Levy condemns. It forgets the politics outside the European tradition with which Levy so strongly identifies.

As this article goes to press, the Bush administration is supporting a U.N. envoy to Sudan. This envoy is predominantly an observation group. The question remains: How much more do we need to know? This is, of course, the paradox of Levy’s will to observe. To give names and faces to the Other is of little consequence to any except those who watch and survive at a safe distance. The near-heroic chances being taken by Levy and other journalists willing to break through what New York Times journalist Nicholas Kristof calls the “information quarantine” of Darfur must be reinforced by more than food and clean water. Otherwise, those in the profession of watching will bear a special kind of damnation.

Like the angels of Wim Wenders’ classic 1987 film Wings of Desire, we will suffer a fate “to watch, record, and testify,” never knowing life or those that lived. To know and not respond with the full capacity of what we are capable as people is to sacrifice the very significance of our unique existence. The tempering of our commitment on the basis of national interest and pragmatic economic calculations reduces us to national packs of clever animals. The name of humanity and what it represents must carry a much greater weight than that of a charitable pastime.

STORY INDEX

ARTICLES >

“Sudan: Janjaweed Camps Still Active”
URL:  http://hrw.org/english/docs/2004/08/27/darfur9268.htm

“Crisis in Darfur”
URL:  http://www.hrw.org/doc?t=africa&c=darfur

BOOKS >
Purchase these books through Powells.com and a portion of the proceeds benefit InTheFray

War, Evil, and the End of History by Bernard-Henri Levy
URL: http://www.powells.com/cgi-bin/partner?partner_id=28164&cgi=product&isbn=0971865957

A Problem from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide by Samantha Power
URL: http://www.powells.com/cgi-bin/partner?partner_id=28164&cgi=product&isbn=0060541644

 

Nuba, Nuer, and Dinka

Darfur is just the latest in military and paramilitary attacks in the name of ethnic cleansing and its terrifying relationship with oil development. The Nuba, Nuer, and Dinka are all minority groups within Sudan that have been terrorized and displaced in the last 20 years of the Sudanese civil war. The Nuba are the most widely known because of German photographer Leni Reifenstahl’s idealized portraits of the historic tribes people. For a complete history, see “Sudan, Oil, and Human Rights” at  film at the Human Rights Watch website.

personal stories. global issues.