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Journal of a Marathoner for Peace

“Cour-age! Cour-age!”

Shortly before eight o’clock in the morning, marathoners get ready for the start of the race. (Elizabeth Yuan)

“Hot and hilly. And amazing.” When people ask, that’s how I sum up the International  Peace Marathon of Kigali that I ran on May 14, 2006.

When Liz’s alarm went off, I groaned and slowly sat up. “How ya feelin’?” Liz asked.  “Completely exhausted and depleted,” I answered. I had been sick with stomach problems the day before and wasn’t sure if I was going to be able to run the race. I took some Cipro, tried to rest and rehydrate, but I still wasn’t feeling well.

Two of our Rwandese friends, Robert and Banga, met us and our two American friends, Hunter and Alice, and we all six piled into the car for Amahoro Stadium, where the race would begin and end. I had just finished a small bottle of Gatorade and was clutching another bottle of water and an energy bar. Robert was behind the wheel wearing his cool white rasta cap, and his car was booming to hip-hop music, which immediately gave me a mental lift.

The idea behind the marathon is peace, and it was the brainchild of a Luxembourg woman, Bettina Scholl-Sabbatini, who has been to Rwanda nearly 20 times and loved it. Her group, Soroptimist International of Europe, undertakes projects geared towards women in developing countries, and the marathon was conceived under a program called “Women Building Peace.” The inaugural race last year was so successful that organizers wanted to make this event an annual one.

At the starting line, Liz and I met a few of the other foreigners, among them Simone Kayser, winner of the Marathon des Sables, the weeklong 155-mile (250 kilometer) ultra marathon across the Moroccan Sahara. Most of the runners around us were Africans, mainly Rwandese.

I lined up at the back of the pack. The race began and the overall pace was F-A-S-T. I was the last one out of the stadium, and I had to remind myself for the first few kilometers not to worry about trying to keep up.

The fastest of the half-marathoners, many of them running in bare feet, stampede past the rest of the crowd about a half-mile into the race. (Elizabeth Yuan)

About five minutes later, the half-marathon started. The runners approaching from behind sounded like they were part of a stampede. I glanced over my shoulder and then quickly faced forward. They were upon me. Arms brushed mine as legs flew by, jarring me slightly out of rhythm. For a moment, I really thought I’d get trampled.

The equatorial sun beat down hard. By 8:30 a.m., it was already 70 degrees Fahrenheit (21 degrees Celsius) and very humid. I love heat!  But running 26.2 miles (42 kilometers) in that temperature with the sun bathing my head for at least the first half was taxing. Runners soon poured water on their heads and in their mouths and then back on their heads. I did the same.

Sometimes I was carrying two water bottles at once. Whenever that happened, I soon lost one to a thirsty runner along the route. “Give me water,” the runner would plea, with an outstretched hand and a rapid pace.

Melanie Wallentine, in white shirt and white cap, runs several yards past a sign indicating hills. (Elizabeth Yuan)

Rwanda is known as the “land of a thousand hills.” I’d say there are 10,000. Before I left Utah, a friend said, “I imagine you’ll hit at least 30 of them in the marathon!” I don’t know how many there were, but it was hilly!

And it was a four-lap course. So, by the third lap, I had those hills memorized. And, I knew I still had one more lap.

Early on, cheers from the side of the road sounded initially to me like, “C-rash! C-rash!”  And they seemed to contradict the kindness and gentleness I had experienced up until then in Rwanda. I was stunned. But, after about the 20th time, I realized the spectators and runners were shouting, “Cour-age! Cour-age!” and were offering full support.

Also early on, several young runners, primarily half-marathoners, grabbed my hand, shouting, “Quickly, quickly,” and pulled me along at their pace. I actually felt lighter, as if they were carrying a part of me. I don’t remember the last time I ran that fast in a long distance race. (Ok, never.) But, for a few minutes, I did feel like a deer prancing along in the woods. Still, even the lightness couldn’t counteract the reality that my breath was becoming labored. After a few minutes, I patted the person on the back, said, “Thank you,” and dropped back to my pace. But the gesture of support was endearing.

A few kilometers later, a young girl in pink began running with me at my pace. Her name was Lucy, and she was 15 or 16. We ran side by side for many kilometers. We talked a little, and I thoroughly enjoyed her company. At one point, someone in the crowd playfully taunted her, yelling in Kinyarwanda, “Hey, that white person is beating you! Hurry up!” Later, she seemed to get dizzy or disoriented. She muttered, “I’m … tired.” I handed her one of my gels and said, “Take this.”  It seemed to help, and I was happy I brought extras.

Melanie gives fellow marathoner Gaspard Nsengamungu, a native Rwandan, a little sponge help over the head. (Alice Hou)

Then out of nowhere appeared two or three of Lucy’s friends who were also running the half, or the “semi,” as they called it. They scrambled around me, so that I was in the middle, and we all ran together for a while, elbow to elbow. Another priceless experience.

There were constant shouts of “Umuzungu!” which means, “White person!” in Kinyarwanda. One time I turned to one of the shouters, pointed to myself, nodded my head and acknowledged, “Yes, Umuzungu …” That drew a few chuckles.

As I was completing the half, the stadium crowd began to roar. They could NOT be cheering for me, I thought. And then, the epiphany occurred. The first place marathoner must be right behind me. I looked back to see a Kenyan plowing towards me. I scurried across the finish line, so that I wouldn’t get run over. Yup, a Kenyan had won — and I still had two laps to go.

In my first three marathons, I still felt good when I reached the halfway point. In this marathon, I felt awful and wanted the race to be done. The third lap was mentally and physically the toughest. I was running out of gas and beginning to feel a bit nauseous. I told myself I wouldn’t quit unless it was medically necessary, so I’d better work on a strategy. “Carbs, water, and keep moving” became my mantra. I pulled out my SHOT BLOKS that my friend Edwin had given me before I left, and said, “Ok, these had better work.” Soon the nausea went away.

I was still tired but feeling a little more functional. I also thought of everyone who had supported me during my training. And I sent a silent Mother’s Day wish to Mom and Grandma. I thought of my late brother, Victor, and felt him near. And I thought of the people of Rwanda and knew they’d been through so much more pain than I could ever feel on a marathon.

Somewhere in that second half, a Rwandese guy started running with me. We ran side by side for much of the second half. I’m not sure which was more limited, his English or my Kinyarwanda, but it didn’t matter. We communicated just fine. When his energy reserves began to deplete, I shared my SHOT BLOKS with him, and we kept going. With about 7 or 8 kilometers (4 to 5 miles) to go, he began to hang back, but I kept my pace.

Melanie and the girl who joined her in the final kilometers of the marathon head down the homestretch toward the finish line in Amahoro Stadium. (Hunter Pape)

Just as I was feeling my own energy deplete with about 5 kilometers (3 miles) to go, a smiling little girl in sandals and a multi-colored dress started running with me from the side of the road. I thought she would just run a few steps, laugh, and then go back home. But, she kept running – and – running – and – running – and – running. Arms swinging hard, she took two to three steps for every one of mine. But she kept up with my pace. I looked down. She looked up. I smiled. She smiled. We ran.

We glanced at each other from time to time, and I was spurred on by her determination and enthusiasm — and her luminous smile.

As we entered the stadium, I took her hand, and we ran the final lap around the stadium. Some cheers rang out from the few remaining in the crowd. After we crossed the finish line, I picked her up and swung her around. She wasn’t out of breath at all. I gave her my last SHOT BLOK and some water. Through a friend, I asked the girl’s name and age and “Is your family worried about you?”

With stoic confidence and poise, the seven-year-old responded, “No. I told them where I was going.”

Out of 253 people, 96 finished. I came in at around 5:08 with a small handful of people behind me. Trust me, I was just happy to finish. It was my most difficult marathon so far.

What a thrill to run a marathon in Rwanda! I would encourage any runner who truly wants an exhilarating running experience to run a marathon with Africans — in Africa.  There’s nothing like it.

Melanie’s roommate was InTheFray Contributing Editor Elizabeth Yuan, who was among the majority of runners who did not finish the race.

 

The long road from Gaza

A Palestinian musician finds that playing with Israelis leads across more than one border.

 

Zaher parks his 2001 Chevy stick-shift on Main Street in Paterson, New Jersey.

“When I go to Paterson, I feel like I’m in Gaza,” he says happily.

On Main St., where at least half the shops and restaurants are Arab-owned, he makes his way into Nouri’s Brothers, an enormous Middle Eastern general store selling everything from fresh olives to halal marshmallows, gold jewelry to backgammon sets, Arabic and Turkish pop music to electronics.

But what Zaher, a slim, unassuming Palestinian from the Gaza Strip, has come to look at are a couple of ouds — Middle Eastern lutes — hanging from the ceiling.  He runs his fingers along the deep bowl of one and then lightly touches its strings.

“This is good for a beginner,” he says, explaining that the strings are a little too close to the fingerboard for his taste.  He might have to go into New York City to find what he’s looking for, he adds.

Buying another oud — he owns two already — is no small undertaking for Zaher.  If it weren’t for his ability to play the oud, he probably never would have come to the United States or obtained political asylum here.  (To protect family members still in Gaza, Zaher asked that his last name not be used in this article.)

 

 

Ancient music made new

Once upon a time, back when he lived in Gaza, before the second intifada started in 2000, Zaher played the oud in a joint Palestinian-Israeli band based in Tel Aviv.  The band was called “White Flag,” a name that represented its members’ hope for a cessation of violence on both sides and a peaceful solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Now, more than half a decade later, Zaher lives in Clifton, New Jersey (one town over from Paterson), works at a Domino’s Pizza, and waits for the day this fall when he is eligible to apply for a green card.  He borrows books on Renaissance painting and CDs ranging from classical music to Celine Dion from the public library and dreams of getting a master’s degree in the U.S.

“I was lucky,” he says about coming to the U.S. and getting asylum.

Indeed, Zaher’s experience is very uncommon:  it is hard for Palestinians, especially those from Gaza, to travel abroad, and few Palestinians are granted asylum in the U.S.  But it’s also a testament to Zaher’s innately upbeat personality that he feels lucky in spite of the difficulties he’s faced, like threats from Hamas and a three-month stint in an immigrant detention center in New Jersey.

Zaher’s dark hair and eyes frame a face that seems older than his 29 years.  He dresses nicely, never sloppily:  tan pants, tan leather dress shoes, button-down shirt, black leather jacket.  But when he goes into work at Domino’s, he becomes just another guy in a red Domino’s shirt and a white cap.  At first meeting he is serious, but he soon reveals himself to be someone who likes to laugh.

“He is quiet, and he doesn’t make a problem, and when you ask him to do something he does it.  And he’s smart,” said his sister, Abeer Haj Ahmmed, who immigrated to the U.S. seven years ago and also lives in Clifton.

None of these qualities seem surprising in someone who taught himself to play the oud while growing up in a refugee camp, Deir al Balah, in the Gaza Strip.  The oud, a popular Middle Eastern instrument that is the origin of the Western-style lute, is difficult to learn.  “In all the Arab world, there are maybe a maximum of 10 people really playing the oud,” Zaher says.  Arguably the most well-known oud player in the West is Simon Shaheen, an Israeli-born Palestinian who lives in New York and incorporates non-traditional musical styles such as jazz into his work.

“We didn’t study music in the schools.  We didn’t know anything about music,” Zaher recalls.  Nevertheless, while in high school and later while studying special education at the College of Rehabilitation Studies run by the Palestine Red Crescent Society in Gaza, he taught himself the oud from books and by watching other musicians; later, he also learned to play the violin.

Eventually, Zaher joined a traditional Arabic music ensemble in Gaza called “Orient Strings,” composed of about 15 musicians playing Middle Eastern instruments like the oud, qanun (zither), ney (flute), and darbuka (drum), as well as violins and a cello.  The group performed classical Arabic music —  some of it as old as the muwashahat, a body of songs that originated during the period of Muslim rule in Spain — as well as more contemporary music by Arab divas like Umm Kulthum and Fairuz.

 

 

Making music across borders

In 1998, Zaher went to Tel Aviv for the first time with his friend Shadi and another musician, a trip that would change his life.  There, they performed in a fundraiser for Windows, an organization that promotes relations between Palestinians and Israelis and with which Shadi was already connected.

That era, after the 1993 Oslo Accords but before the second intifada began in 2000, was a time of greater optimism than today.  “The relation between the Palestinians and the Israelis was great:  a lot of people coming and going; there is no war, no intifada, no nothing,” Zaher recalls.  “We made this concert and it was very nice; there were also some Israeli musicians.  There was one [Israeli] guy, Mark.  He told us, ‘How about if we make a band?’  [We said,] ‘A great idea, but how?  We cannot come here; it’s difficult.’”

Since 1991, the Israeli policy of “closure” has restricted to varying degrees the entry of Palestinian residents of Gaza and the West Bank into Israel.

According to Ilana Feldman, a professor in Near Eastern Studies at New York University who has done anthropological fieldwork in Gaza, “The first closure policy happened during the Gulf War but it wasn’t made permanent … till Oslo.  No Palestinian can cross the Green Line without a permit … Most of the permits were given to people who worked in Israel.”

Zaher’s father worked as an electrician in Israel until 1991, when it became too difficult for him to get to work; he then opened a grocery store below the family’s house in Gaza.

For males under 35, who are seen as a potential security threat, it is particularly difficult to obtain permits to enter Israel, which meant that Zaher and his musician friends were at a disadvantage.  However, with help from Windows, they were able to obtain permits that allowed them to travel back and forth for rehearsals and performances.

“You cannot play again with this band”

Zaher and the other Palestinian and Israeli musicians formed a band, and Zaher himself came up with the name White Flag.  He chose it, he said, because it symbolized a truce.  “The white flag means between two sides, two parts of a problem, between Palestinians and Israelis, [if] they want to stop this war, they have to take a white flag.  Both sides.”

The band performed songs in Hebrew, Arabic, and English, and drew from a range of musical styles and traditions.  “We call it street fusion, because we cannot find a name for this music,” Zaher says.  “We want to make music from the heart.”

But the dream came to an abrupt end when the second intifada began in September 2000 — literally during the Bereshit festival, in which the band was to play.

“That day was the last day in Tel Aviv,” Zaher recalls.  “The intifada started when we were in the festival.  We heard by the news, there are problems in Gaza and there are like twenty people killed.  Now, we didn’t play yet, but we heard about this news.  How’re we going to play?  And we sat together, all the band — the Palestinians and the Israelis — and we said, what are we going to do?  We said, we want to play.  Because we make music, and we play for this problem.  Maybe we’ll fix something.”

Zaher says the audience, most of whom had not previously heard of White Flag, reacted positively to their music and their message.  “The people were dancing,” he remembers.

But after the concert, Zaher returned to Gaza and the political realities of the intifada changed everything.  Because the Bereshit festival had been shown on TV, Zaher’s peace advocacy through White Flag had become known in his community and he was seen as a “collaborator” with the Israelis.

A member of Hamas, the militant Islamist Palestinian movement, came into his family’s store one day while he was working.  “They give me a letter,” Zaher says.  “They told me you cannot play again with this band”— or else his life would be in danger.

Members of Fatah, the more moderate political party that was then running the Palestinian Authority, also paid him visits.  They came “as friends,” he says, but their message was similar.  “They told me, it is better for you if you leave [White Flag].  It’s dangerous for you.”  Zaher says he felt his life to be in danger after the threats and stopped being openly involved with White Flag — which, due to the intifada, which made travel impossible, had effectively been put on hold anyway.  But he and the other members of the band kept in touch by phone.

Zaher had reason to fear what might happen to him.  Shadi, his friend who became White Flag’s keyboard player, had also been threatened and then, after the Bereshit festival, imprisoned by the Palestinian Authority.  “They think he is a collaborator, but they have to make some proofs.  They kept him in jail for like a month,” recalls Zaher.  Shadi was eventually released when the P.A. couldn’t prove his culpability, and he escaped to Switzerland, where he lives today.

Nearly five years later, when Zaher applied for asylum in the U.S., his case rested largely on the threats he had received from Hamas and Fatah and on a “credible fear” of further persecution if he returned to Gaza.

As his lawyer, Thomas Mungoven, explains, “It was a textbook collaborator case…[T]here’s a pattern and practice of persecution of collaborators in Gaza.  Collaborators are regularly killed … by Hamas.”

The future is here

Zaher is glad to be in the U.S. now, and not just because he has escaped further political persecution in Gaza.  “There is no future there,” he says.

His sister Abeer is also delighted to have him here.  “I have seven brothers.  But I love Zaher so much,” she says.  “I’m so happy, I’m so glad.  Because no one from my family [was] here.”

In fact, Abeer is the reason that Zaher came to the U.S. in the first place.  In 1998, Abeer got married and joined her husband — a Palestinian who had originally come to the U.S. to study — in New Jersey.  In 2004, she sent an official invitation for Zaher and their mother to visit her and her family.  But getting into Israel to go to the American Embassy in Tel Aviv was still difficult.  With help from the director of Windows, Rutie Atsmon, Zaher was able to obtain an entry permit.

When they got to the Embassy, Zaher recalls, “I don’t imagine [that] they’re going to give me a visa.  It’s not easy.”  But in the interview with the U.S. Consul, he talked about his involvement with White Flag, and the Consul was impressed.

“And she gives us a visa!” he says, laughing wholeheartedly, as if still surprised about it.  “You know, I’m sure, if you check the last ten years, there is nobody [who got] a visa from Gaza — just me I think.”

Zaher is not the only Gazan to have gotten a U.S. visa in the last decade, but anecdotal evidence suggests that there have not been many.  Feldman says this is in large part because “it was much harder, after Oslo, for Palestinians to get out of Gaza,” which is completely fenced in, than the West Bank, which, until the last few years, had a more porous boundary with Israel.

According to Karen Pennington, a lawyer based in Dallas who has represented a number of Palestinian asylum-seekers, “Tracking any numbers on Palestinians is very difficult in the U.S. immigration service.  Because if they were born in the Occupied Territories after 1967, they’re listed as Israelis.  If they have any other citizenship, they’re listed that way, not as Palestinians.”  But Pennington agrees that few Gazans make it to the U.S.  “I only represent a handful of people from Gaza.  Almost everyone I represent is from the West Bank or diaspora Palestinians.”

Nonetheless, for Zaher, getting the visa proved to be the easy part, compared to leaving Gaza.  Flying out of Gaza is impossible, both because Israel does not allow it and because it destroyed the Gaza airport’s runway in 2001; therefore, Gazans traveling internationally must fly out of neighboring Egypt.  But at the time, the Gaza-Egypt border crossing at Rafah was closed for three weeks.  Zaher’s mother had by then decided not to go to the U.S. because her daughter-in-law in Gaza had just had a baby.  But Zaher was determined to go.

Laughing at the absurdity of it, he describes the situation:  “Every week I go two, three times, and take my luggage, and I say [bye] to my family and I go [to the border] and I come back.”

It ended up taking him a couple months, and at least half a dozen attempts, before he could leave.  The border was finally opened but, at first, only for women; then, men older than 35 were allowed to cross.  Finally, younger men were allowed to leave, but only if they applied in advance for approval and waited for the Palestinian Authority to announce their names over the radio.

“They told us, who[ever] hears his name on the radio, he can come next day to the border.  And all the day, you’re hearing news.  And when I hear my name — check!” he says, laughing.

Once past the border and into Egypt, the waiting continued.  “When I entered [Egypt] it was Friday, but my ticket was [for] Monday.  I had to stay three days in Egypt.”

Zaher had been to Egypt once before, in the mid-1990s, also for three days.  In those years, it had been easier for Palestinians to obtain visas for Egypt, and Zaher and a friend from his college took a pleasure trip.  From the border with Gaza they took a half-day bus ride to Cairo, where, among other things, they each bought an oud, of higher quality than any they could get in Gaza.

But this time, “Because I don’t have an Egyptian visa, I could not travel in Egypt,” he explains.  “I had to be in the airport for three days.  In one big room, there were like 50 people waiting;” they slept on mattresses.  “Also it was Ramadan, and we were fasting.”

In late 2004, Zaher finally made it to the U.S., where he stayed with his sister and her family.  He wanted to study in the U.S. but learned he could not do so because he had a visitor’s visa.  “I was really trying to enter school but it was very difficult, because I don’t have a student visa.  They told me you have to go to your country to get a student visa, and you come back … Impossible!  How am I supposed to get this visa?”

So Zaher began to familiarize himself with life in the U.S. while trying to figure out what to do next.

“Exile” and return

In 2005, with help from a Swiss television company that had begun a documentary about White Flag before the intifada, the band was invited by the city of Lucerne to do a summer-long residency.  The Swiss Consulate initially told Zaher he would have to go back to his home country to get a visa but, thanks to a letter on his behalf from the mayor of Lucerne, Zaher obtained a three-month visa to travel to Switzerland.  There, the band members were reunited for the first time in almost five years.  They performed in two festivals and recorded their first album, “Exile.”

After the summer in Switzerland, Zaher decided to return to the U.S.  “I thought to myself, okay, I have a visa to go to United States; it is multiple entrance.  By the law I don’t make any mistake,” he says.

But U.S. Immigration detained him at JFK airport, threatening to send him back to Gaza.  As later became clear, Zaher had, unaware, been registered under the Department of Homeland Security’s “Special Registration” program when he had first arrived in the U.S.  Registered individuals are required to inform DHS when they leave the country but, not knowing that he had been registered, he had not done that.

According to Mungoven, Zaher should never have been registered, because Palestinians are not on the list of nationalities subject to registration.  “It was total racial profiling,” says Mungoven.  Furthermore, “they lied about it when I called up … They said he was from Jordan.”

Zaher, who knew nothing about the special registration program or its requirements, was confused, though not exactly surprised, by what happened.  “I was feeling … something’s going to happen … I think, from 9/11, [for] all the Arab people, if they read your name — Zaher, Muhammad, Abdallah, Musharraf, these names — I think they put like a red sign.  I don’t know.”

Fearing further threats from Hamas and Fatah if he returned to Gaza — especially given that White Flag’s performances in Switzerland had been publicized back in Israel and Palestine — he decided to apply for asylum in the U.S.  “Because I don’t want to go back to my country,” he says.  “A lot of problems.  I don’t want to live there.  This is no life.”

Zaher spent the next three months in the Elizabeth Detention Facility, in Elizabeth, N.J., with other immigrants and asylum seekers, waiting for his asylum case to be heard.  The detention conditions were tolerable, he says.  “If you make problems, maybe it’s going to be bad.  And there’s rules you have to follow … but I don’t remember anything bad.  They have good food,” he says. On Ramadan, he and other Muslim detainees were even able to fast and have their meals brought when they wanted them.

But even though detention wasn’t miserable, it was still a difficult experience for Zaher.  “I was in shock.  Because there is no life there.  You just sleep, wake up, sleep, wake up.  I was dreaming to get my oud there,” he says.  (He had one oud with the luggage he had brought to Switzerland; the other — the one he bought in Cairo — is back in Gaza.)  “I requested, but they said no.”

Abeer went with her children to visit Zaher in Elizabeth, but it was a hard experience for all of them.  “I’m sad when I see him like this.  It’s not easy when you see your brother in jail,” she says.  “I went just two times.”  After that, “he said, ‘Don’t come.’  Maybe because I cry when I see him.”

Through case workers and fellow detainees, Zaher got in touch with Mungoven, who works at Catholic Charities of the Archdiocese of Newark on pro bono immigrant detention cases.  The asylum process was as complicated as every other stage of coming to the U.S. had been.

Asylum

“When I applied for asylum, they said, ‘no asylum,’” Zaher says, speaking of the U.S. authorities.

Pennington, the Dallas lawyer, says it has become “extremely” difficult for Palestinians to get asylum in the U.S. Of “20 to 25 or perhaps more” Palestinian asylum cases she’s taken on since September 11, 2001, “about seven were granted,” she says. And while there are significant numbers of Palestinians applying for asylum because of persecution by Israelis, U.S. judges have been showing less willingness to grant those cases than collaborator cases.

For example, Pennington describes the recent case of a banker from Ramallah who was detained and fired on by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) on several occasions. “I demonstrated in that case that the behavior of the IDF violated the written regulations for live-fire.  And [the court] still found that it was state policy,” she says. “The judge said it didn’t have anything to do with American foreign policy, but …” Pennington, for one, believes otherwise.

Even though Zaher’s case was a “collaborator” case and theoretically easier to win, the judge did not grant Zaher asylum at his court hearing in late October 2005. Instead she gave Zaher “withholding of removal.” He would not be sent back to Gaza, but neither would he have asylum, and he would have none of the privileges of a green card. But it was better than nothing.

Zaher returned to the detention facility and prepared to be picked up by Abeer that night. But DHS and ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) had changed their minds, apparently: They now told him that they were going to send him back to Switzerland. (His “withholding of removal” status only prevented him from being sent back to Gaza.)

Zaher called Mungoven, who spoke to the judge, and two days later the case was reopened. Mungoven was furious at what had happened, but so was the judge — who didn’t like DHS trying to undercut her. “It was like fighting between the judge and Immigration,” says Zaher. The judge ended up giving Zaher full political asylum, to his great relief, and he was released from detention.

Since then, Zaher has been working at Domino’s taking phone orders and making pizzas, while continuing to settle in to life in the U.S. and considering his next step.

Abeer seems to know exactly what she wants for her brother: “I hope he goes to college and gets a master’s here. I hope he marries too. He needs a family here,” she said.

As for Zaher? He wants those things too. But first, he’s still looking for another oud.

 

Open all the borders

Waging peace by deconstructing what keeps us bound.

(www.sxc.hu)

Open all the borders, close all the schools. A radical thought. Perhaps even so radical as to be dismissed either as mockery or incendiarism. And yet when a friend offers this as the solution to war, to strife, to the struggle so many have accepted as an intrinsic part of life, it seems so obvious. Here we sit, all of us, at every location in the globe, isolated by imaginary lines drawn by mapmakers of old or plotted using state-of-the-art GPS technology. We allow these arbitrary divisions to cause death and destruction by clinging ever so tightly to the identity formed by them. I won’t let go, I won’t. I belong to this portion of the globe. This line distinguishes me from you. We are not the same. I am here. You are there. We create obstacles to traversing these boundaries. We sneak around them. We have things stamped upon entry. We believe so firmly that borders exist, we do not question them. I am American; I live within these meridians and therefore it makes me so. Where does this fervent desire to identify oneself with a region come from?  

“I pledge allegiance to the flag of the United States of America … ” And so begins the inculcation. Even before our children can critically interpret information, our schools are molding future Americans. Curriculums create boundaries. Graduation from high school after 13 years of schooling, including kindergarten, prepares you to be an American, but how about to be an inquisitive, compassionate, engaged human being?

My remedy?  Close the schools. Do we need to know Shakespeare? Chemistry?  Should everyone be required to read the same books and do the same number of math problems?  As if there exists one standard body of knowledge, which any successful being must attain. That certainly depends on your definition of success, but for now, please, do not think for yourself until you’ve been properly fed.  

We must stifle individuality, creativity, expression. If we don’t stay on task and check off these many bullet points from the list of topics to be covered — it’s hard to remember who exactly provided them, probably God? — these children will suffer. They will not integrate well into American culture. Gasp.  Requiring each student to learn the same information, in the same order, at the same rate, seems preposterous. We are not all the same, even within the confines of the United States. But managing education in such a way is efficient. In doing so, we set the stage for individuals not only to expect but to crave homogeneity. With a system that demands sameness, whether in interpreting historical documents or reading renaissance poetry, students are shown that this is good, easy, and correct.

I know you have questions and interests, but we can’t address those here. You see, it’s just not in the curriculum, and if we focus attention on you, the rest will suffer. We are taught time and again to capitulate to the greater good, even though our individual selves may not feel that such acquiescence accomplishes good.

(www.sxc.hu)

Sprinkle all these lessons with a few nationalistic underpinnings, like honoring our flag and raising and lowering it during special occasions, and we have ourselves a sovereign state. Yeehaaw. We must now secure the borders and wage war with any who threatens us. This war occasionally escalates to a physical battle but generally manifests itself as the desire to keep others out when not to our benefit.  

The U.S. House of Representatives recently introduced tough immigration legislation, which triggered rallies across the country in support of immigrant rights. On the National Mall, thousands of people gathered — Peruvians, Mexicans, Senegalese, Eritreans, Indians, Koreans … it would seem as though every nationality were represented. But there persists a mindset that we must find a superficial way to distinguish residents — the residents from the alien intruders. You there can claim a stake to this fraction of the globe, but you sir, who also live and work here, may not. You who lack the necessary paperwork — dated, signed, and notarized — YOU are NOT American.  

What is American? Is it the strongest military in the world, the most robust economy, the highest standard of living — or is it that looming body of knowledge we all acquired at the same rate, in the same order, to the same end? From what are we hiding behind these borders? The thought of losing all that, the thought that being American comes with it a sense of security not conferred elsewhere and therefore we must deny entry by some bureaucratic decree to those not deemed worthy?

Is there something within these borders that makes us unique? The Rocky Mountains? The Chicago Bulls? We are America. We are strong, we are free.  

So open the borders. What would become of the people, the cultures? Would nationalities blur, and is that wrong? Do we need these nationalities? What are they providing us, aside from a sense of security in being part of one — and a wall to keep out the others?

Clinging to these border distinctions provides us with enough anonymity to carry out horrific acts of greed, fear, revenge, or just plain evil, and to evade any personal responsibility for them. After all, it’s for the good of the country.

Let’s do away with borders. Erase every last one of them from them maps and destroy the curriculums that embed them. Perhaps then we can realize that being an American means nothing, and we’ll stop trying to boss others around, take their stuff, and keep them out. “I want that. You need to do this. And get off my property you mongrel!” Yeah, that’s pretty much what we’re doing. Who knew we were so ridiculous.  

 

An occupation

Searching for peace of mind in newly independent East Timor.

The view from the foho (mountain) toward Dili. This is the north side of the island; the interior is entirely mountainous, one of the reasons for the triumph of the resistance army over the invaders. (Mark Majalca)

You go somewhere, you want a connection. That’s why McDonald’s and Alcoholics Anonymous meetings are so popular in strange lands — an instant fellowship, a slow letting out of a frightened breath held. And yet for so long, in East Timor, there was no connection for me.

On Sundays — the only day I don’t work — I’d walk the five miles to the statue of Cristo Rei, past the lagoon filled with pig shit and the Portuguese soldiers drinking at Sagres Beach, and I’d say to myself, Keep breathing. Do what is familiar. Find what is familiar. What do you see?

I’d begin the list: Animals loose in the road. Kids staring at me. The oppressive heat hanging like a net. Potholes. Deteriorating stucco houses with peeling pale limestone paint. Lizards. Garbage. Shit. And still I did not feel I could connect this place with anywhere, or anyone, I had ever been.

Oh, sure, there were ghosts. I knew that. I knew they had to be everywhere. I’d run along the water’s edge before the United Nations workers woke up, miles of white broken coral glowing in the early morning light, and try not to imagine what I couldn’t help imagining — that the whole shore was nothing but a beach of bones.

I live at a place called the Hotel Turismo. It’s not very turismo really — all moss-covered stucco and stone — unlike most of the other hotels here, the Dili 2001, the Timor Lodge, that are made from cargo containers. Hotel life in East Timor is but a few years old. Big ships arrived one day and offloaded empty cargo containers. The containers filled the vacant craters in downtown Dili where colonial Portuguese mansions had been and became … the ministry of justice, the health department, embassies. And hotels.

The hotels are apartments really, because the U.N. civilian police and a zillion other do-good groups need housing for a year, two years. Others only stay a week or two. They’re contracted, on loan from the parent agency somewhere in Europe or San Francisco. Oxfam. Asia Foundation. World Bank. Commission on Truth and Reconciliation. Consultants. They stay at the hotel; we see them sometimes at the Turismo, and then one day — poof! — they’re gone. But the agency has rented the room permanently. The people are transient; the service, or the idea of the service, is not.

Market sellers in Maubisse, one of the larger cities. Maubisse means “iron man” in Tetun; the name comes from the mountain‘s supposed properties that give the people their extraordinary strength and fortitude.

The tiny island sags under the weight of its peacekeeping force. The white Land Rovers and troop carriers with the big black U.N. decals rumble by from dawn to dusk, making it impossible to run on the quiet white coral bone beach, impossible to feel you belong here, are loved here. You are hated here.

There are too many of us, each truck a different country. There is an Irish PKF, a Thai PKF, a Fijian PKF. The Fijians are the most respected. They go into the bush to find the thugs who are beginning to resurface on this side of the border. Groups of nine, they are drawn to their old homes, but they are bad, bad men in a land with no word for ‘bad.’

There are Portuguese and Brazilian and Japanese and Turkish and Malaysian and Pakistani and Korean and Chinese and Mozambiquan and Nigerian and British and Spanish and Russian and even Bosnian police. They have turned the capital city into a nightclub — a false cosmopolitan Mecca, and there are things in stores like Lipton instant rice mix and granola bars and Gatorade and condoms and Tampax and plastic shower organizers.

There are some old buildings standing, of course, but most have been ravaged and firebombed. First in 1975, when Portugal fell, losing its colony of 400 years, and the world gave tacit approval to Indonesia to take on the role of overlord, and then again, 24 years later, by the Indonesian army and those desperate Timorese they commandeered into destroying each other.

The colonial beauty of these public offices and private sprawling villas is made all the more delicate and majestic by the twisted girders where roofs had been, the haloes of soot where explosions burst through the windows. The best ones have been appropriated by those who finally drove Indonesia out or at least underground, and converted into living quarters for visiting dignitaries needing to be entertained, official representatives needing home-country amenities. The international community spends a hundred and twenty thousand dollars per house to showcase development organizations advocating for a free economy in which the living wage is three dollars a day. But who’s to say East Timor is any different from Kosovo, from Mozambique, from Angola and Darfur in that respect? Who’s to say that a peacekeeping force isn’t just an invading force that doesn’t kill you?

But what do I know?

Not much.

About anything, or anywhere.

Except about the Hotel Turismo, which is old and genteel in a crusty, decaying way, with gardens at its center and goldfish pools and narrow upper corridors leading to railings that drop off into the black unknown. It is a labyrinth of metal and dark vines and dripping ceramic spouts. Journalists stayed here in 1999, to monitor the elections. Most left soon after, when the killing started again.

In 2003, the Prime Minister and his cabinet visited outlying villages to bring the “town meeting” to remote locales and give local leaders a chance to report on their communities’ needs. Due to the different languages spoken in the mountains, the results of this initiative were mixed. The East Timor flag symbolizes the mountains, blood, the sun, and peace.

In every documentary of that sad time, there’s footage of this hotel — famous now, really — with scattered gunfire sounding from next door. There’s no sleeping at night even now because the ghosts run down the tiled corridors trying to escape the bullets — over the fence and into the yard of another stucco former mansion, now called Timor Aid, where 2,000 people hid after the referendum in 1999, when the United Nations said it was pulling out since there was nothing else to accomplish.

The entire country — people, animals, coral reefs, bridges — was threatened with annihilation by Jakarta if it voted for independence. Independence was on the table because the Timorese Falantil resistance had smuggled out a bookish, gawky young soldier who’d landed in New York, picked up English and a cheap suit, and for 24 years hounded the United Nations until it listened. On that day in that tiny country in 1999, over 90 percent of the voting population climbed down out of the foho, the mountains, and into the cities and voted almost to a person for independence, marking X’s on ballots and knowing they would be killed for it. The films of that September show ancient men and women behind the wall of Timor Aid, grabbing at the knees of U.N. election officials, begging them to stay. Some did. But most did not. And the Timorese were slaughtered.

I am here in East Timor three years later and I dread making a friend, even if it were possible. After all, how do you get past the part where you say, “I’m so sorry,” and you need to say that to everyone, every day, because you know that 80 percent of everybody’s family died three years ago? You’re here as a “development professional” and you are trying to “help” and your assistant or driver or interpreter is Timorese, and how stupid is it to ask every morning, “So, how are you today?”

The East Timorese do not have a phrase in Tetun for ‘How are you?’ They also do not much go in for ‘I hope,’ as in “I hope to see you soon.” They do not say, “I believe.” They do not say, “Good luck.” Rather, they say, “Okay, or not?” They say, “I might see you soon.”  They say, “I feel.”  They say, “Fight.”

Every day here, I feel like more and more of an asshole.

There’s no word for that either. Surprisingly.

And there’s no word for ‘bad,’ as in “bad person.”  A bad thing can happen but no man or woman is bad.

I cry a lot here.

How are you today?

Okay, or not?

A salt seller’s kids on the road to Metinaro, about two hours east of Dili.

Two streets up and over, at the Tropical Hotel, the ghosts are worse. That’s one of the places where the pro-integration forces carried out their torture. One of the places.  And Tasi Tolu, Three Lakes, a level park outside of Dili where the Pope visited in 1989, and anti-occupation banners were pulled out from under shirts to show the international cameramen. Later, as a warning, the Indonesian militia mowed down 200 people, then threw their bodies in the shallow lakes. More ghosts.

Santa Cruz, the massacre at the walled cemetery in 1991. 250 people killed at a memorial service for a pro-independence fighter. For honoring the dead. My young interpreter Luis tells me, as casually as he can but looking away, and so quietly I can hardly hear, “I slept with a corpse once. My cousin. He was in Santa Cruz that day. My mother told me not to leave him until the family could come for him. So I didn’t leave him.”  

No connections to anything. I just wander and cry, and try to do some of the things for which I was hired.  

I was hired to train Peace Corps volunteers. My first job is to find families outside of Dili, the capital, for the volunteers to stay with. The villagers are shy and warm and have no idea why foreigners would like to stay with them. The Timorese do have a word for ‘foreigner.’ It is Malae, after the Malaysians who were the first foreigners here years ago: successful, pushy, relentless. Now, a Timorese who makes any money at all is called Malae.  

My village families have three-room houses and live 14 to a house, no latrine. So I’m building latrines. I go around with a Toyota Hilux 4×4 and Luis — he’s an ex-priest who helped refugees get back across the border from Dutch-occupied West Timor in 1999 — and ask families if we can build latrines for the Malae who will stay with them. They smile and say, “Sure, go ahead. We’ll even dig the hole.”

They think I am insane.

I find a nonprofit — CARE — that is teaching people how to build latrines and seek out the director.

“Where do they go now, if there are no latrines?” I ask, having looked in the dirt backyards, the undergrowth, the beachfronts, expecting to see shit stretching to the horizon.

“The pig shed,” says the director. He’s from India and he smiles. He loves that he gets to tell me, “The pigs have to eat, too.”

Nothing familiar.

And then one day my past catches up with this place.  

When I was younger, I hung around Manhattan, where my sister lived, because I missed her and because I was fascinated by the Beat poets, even though most of them were gone by then. But you could feel their ghosts all over town, and they got in my way back then, living 30 years behind me when anything seemed possible. Maryan and I still saw Allen Ginsberg from time to time. She lived on MacDougal Street, and he was still there, still real, when nearly all the others were dead.  

I read everything they wrote — the poems, the half-finished scripts, the love letters, the drunken musings on cocktail napkins now preserved in Special Collections at libraries with climate-controlled vaults — until I felt I was one of them. I knew that if only the time were right and the planets aligned, I could walk down Minetta Lane — their old back-from-the-clubs shortcut and the street between my sister’s apartment and Bleecker Street — and I’d see Jack Kerouac’s ghost. And I’d be given the sign, the signal, that I had a right to be here, that they knew me, that they would not begrudge me this space at least, this tiny piece of asphalt, this glimpse of grace.

Every chance I got I’d walk down skinny Minetta Lane and check it up and down, for Jack or Neil, or maybe Jackson or Joyce or Bill or Diane, skittering up, smoking and drunk and loud, oblivious to me, to the overhanging yards perched on the tall walls lining the alley, to the hour, to who they were and what they might mean or represent. I looked for them every time. I strained to hear their voices, weaving and tiptoeing up Minetta Lane in fading night and next day dawning. Because this is what I thought in those days: that when ghosts got to be ghosts, they somehow made peace with the world. What did I know then about ghosts? About peace?  

So I was sure I would see them — that it had to happen. But something else happened instead. How long ago was it? 1986, maybe? Earlier? I was, what, 25?

I was padding down Minetta Lane, though it was barely dawn … when I saw my ghost walking towards me in the light of the antique lamps that line the lane. He wasn’t on the sidewalk but angling toward it, a little unsteady and deliberate, a little drunk maybe, and I felt no fear, because it was time, dammit, for someone to be one of them, for this real shadow to give me something. As he came closer, I saw he had on a sport coat, not too fashionable, and dark pants, and in the shadowy folds of his jacket was more darkness and I thought as I stared that I could see a soft, dark heart.

His hair, still in silhouette, was kind of too much, too wild — I could see it frizzy and curly in the lamplight and I didn’t want to see his face. A dark, dark face — no, it was a beard — dark eyes, shadows covering who this ghost was, so he could become whoever I needed him to be. He cocked his head towards me — he had seen me walking, seen me slow down, somehow knew I wasn’t frightened and that I wanted to prolong the moment — and he stopped, just a second, a half-second, to sniff, it seemed. He sniffed the air around him, we were four feet from each other. He saw me smiling, he smiled back, he had a beautiful smile, he looked nothing like Jack or Neal or Alan. He looked mostly like what I thought he was — a half-drunk businessman on his way home up Minetta Lane, stopping just that half-second, a past instinct, of danger long gone — a jerk of his head my way with an eyebrow up to see if he recognized me, an amused look when he didn’t.

“I thought you might be Jack Kerouac,” I said.

“Jack . . . who is that?” His voice low, with a catch in it, as if he hadn’t spoken in a while. Three words and I knew he came from far away. He’s no one, I said to myself. It’s alright, he’s no one.

“It’s okay,” I said. “He’s just a dead writer. I thought you might be him.” In a sport coat badly cut and shiny with age. A black shirt underneath, looking impossibly soft. Hands in pockets, a halo of yellow streetlight.

As we nearly crossed each other, he said, “I was, well, I didn’t know. Who you might be. But now I see you. That’s better.”

And he grinned again. He didn’t seem that drunk now. Maybe a little. And so, a little afraid of getting rolled. Because I’m a big girl, with big arms, out alone in the alley, so who knows what he thought.

“Don’t worry,” I said.

“All right,” he said.

Oh, clever, clever me. I thought they all loved me, even the ghosts.

And like other memories before, it buried itself, like a little shore animal until years later. Out of desperation to know something, anything, about this new, sad place I am living in, I go to a USAID worker’s house, a woman with a collection of documentaries about East Timor, the war, the occupation. Some in Tetun, some in Bahasa, a few in English. And she is showing a film called Scenes from an Occupation, and there is the government building in Dili, and there is Hotel Turismo, and there is his face, the face of my past on Minetta Lane, the jaunty ghost.

He has won a Nobel Prize for his country. His name is José Ramos Horta, the foreign minister. He was the young soldier sent to New York to convince the United Nations to recognize that East Timor was filled with brave, proud people who would give their lives for independence. In the film, he is in his bowtie and sport jacket clomping around the United Nations, around SoHo, and years earlier, on the waterfront street of Dili by the port, leaning against a truck dressed in fatigues, in a halo of gunfire smoke and with a voice like gravel thrown against plate glass. And I wonder, Did I need to see this to believe that it was all right for me to be here?

And sooner or later, because the world is so small, so tiny, really, I know I will have to see him again, and he will not recognize me, and I will have to let that be okay, because we did not figure into each other’s lives. He was a ghost of someone I did not know, and I was some brief apparition, some trick of the streetlight, that he had to be careful of back then, and forget, and keep going.

May 2002

 

Story-bound

Memories sustain — and muddle — the fight for Palestine in Elias Khoury’s Gate of the Sun.

Arak is a clear, aniseed-flavored liquor consumed throughout the Middle East that drinkers typically dilute with water to create a cloudy white concoction. In Gate of the Sun, the 11th novel by Lebanese novelist and critic Elias Khoury, meals are often accompanied by a glass — or three — of arak, and the author manages the same alchemical transformation with his book, pouring one story into another to create a murky, rambling account of Palestinian villagers living in exile.

Eight years after it appeared in Arabic, Khoury’s tome, in Humphrey Davies’ English translation, is a cavernous monologue of more than 500 pages. Khalil, our narrator, tells the story of the Palestinian people since the Nakba, or “disaster,” as they refer to the founding of the state of Israel, through a disjointed stream of consciousness, waxing philosophic at each twist of his conflicting memories. One moment, he recalls figures of the resistance, big and small, in anecdotal digressions that take the reader through painfully vivid background. In another, he delves into the minutiae of a Palestinian family’s escape to the Lebanese border, citing each village through which they passed. Roughly 80 percent of the Palestinian population left Israel during al-Nakba (though exactly how many were forced to flee and how many left voluntarily remains a sensitive question), and the event has had a profound effect on Palestinian identity, most visibly in the demand for the Right of Return, one of the main tenets of the Hamas platform, and a non-starter in Arab-Israeli negotiations for more than 50 years. The overall effect of Khalil’s meandering yarns is a story more interesting and important for its view onto the Palestinian experience than it is consistently enjoyable to read.

Khalil is a peasant doctor in the Shatila refugee camp outside Beirut, site of a 1982 massacre perpetrated by Lebanese Maronite Christian militias for which Ariel Sharon, among others, was later found indirectly responsible. He has sequestered himself in a dilapidated hospital with his old comrade, Yunes, who lies unconscious and dying. There Khalil reminisces ad infinitum in a one-sided discussion. In his unorthodox medical opinion, storytelling can sustain and even resuscitate Yunes where conventional medicine has failed. It has kept the Palestinian struggle alive, though Khalil points out that the videotape has come to replace the storyteller. “We sit in front of the small screen and see small spots, distorted pictures and close-ups, and from these we invent the country we desire,” he says. “We invent our life through pictures.”

Khalil’s story bounds back and forth over the last 60 years, threading vignettes together in an attempt to capture the Palestinian experience as lived and remembered by the people themselves. He was born in a village in Galilee but grew up in refugee camps in Lebanon. The physical and psychological wounds inflicted by the Nakba feed Khalil much of his material. He populates his narrative with mothers, grandmothers, husbands, sons, and fighters — all attempting to live a life on hold. They cannot return to their homes in Israeli territory, and the Lebanese won’t grant them work permits (a policy guided by the quixotic belief that the Palestinians would soon be able to return home, turning them into permanent refugees).

The tales begin with the death of Umm Hassan, a childless midwife in the Shatila refugee camp. From there it roams through the Palestinian resistance under the British mandate in the 1930s to the forced evacuations of Palestinian villages after the founding of Israel in 1948, to French actors looking for inspiration in their production of Jean Genet’s Quatre heures à Chatila, but always returning to the women in their lives. Khalil is fascinated by the story of Yunes and his wife Nahilah, who met only in secret over the decades of their marriage because he was wanted by the Israelis as a “saboteur.” Again and again, Yunes would sneak to his wife’s village in Israel over the mountainous border from Lebanon. They would meet in Bab al-Shams (Arabic for “Gate of the Sun”) to make love and talk of the resistance. The Israelis, who are trying to capture Yunes, harass Nahilah. She resists in the only way she can, insisting that she is pregnant because she is a whore rather giving up her husband. Khalil retells these stories to the comatose Yunes while contemplating his own tragic affair with a sensuous, iconoclastic woman who murdered her husband but suffered his family’s ultimate revenge.

The power of these stories lies in their mixture of tragic hardships with Khalil’s frank criticism of himself, the Palestinians, and the feeble attempts by Arab armies to repel the onslaught of the Israeli army in 1948. Each is revealed in the spiraling, sometimes confusing patterns of oral storytelling. And in retelling the stories of other refugees Khalil weaves his own life into the patchwork fabric of the Palestinian refugee experience, replete with worn threads, holes, and loose endings.

The literary model for Khoury’s work may be 1,001 Arabian Nights, but whereas Scheherazade told her stories in order to escape her own death at the hands of her listener, Khalil regales Yunes in order to keep him alive. “I’m trying to rouse you with my stories because I’m certain that the soul can, if it wants, wake a sleeping body.” He keeps Yunes alive because he’s not sure what would become of him without his fallen comrade, a hero of the Palestinian resistance. Yunes’ coma gives Khalil an excuse to wallow in a state of suspended animation, of permanent reminiscence. “If you die, what will become of me?” he asks.

To recreate the Palestinian experience in the Galilee and Lebanon — thus far told to the outside world almost entirely by Israeli historians — Khoury purportedly conducted extensive archival research and interviews at the refugee camps outside Beirut. While those same Israeli historians have disputed some of his accounts, Khoury’s narrator admits his claims of atrocities and hardships are unsound. Khalil is retelling second- and third-hand stories that he might not believe in the first place. They aren’t necessarily fictional, but the same story often has multiple variations depending upon the teller. It is in the accumulation of these tales, full of contradictions and half-truths as much as shocking accounts of injustices and injuries, that Khoury/Khalil builds his Palestinian epic. “Like all prisoners, I live on memories. Prison is a storytelling school: Here we can go wherever we want, twist our memory however we please. Right now, I’m playing with your memory and mine.”

Gate of the Sun takes on the individual stories of refugees who cling to hopes of returning to their villages that have become Israeli suburbs. But more enlightening are the issues of memory, identity, truth, and how the storytelling process itself affects all of these issues. The end result is profound and haunting (the description of “sun baths,” a torture tactic used by Israeli soldiers, is horrifying), but it also feels slightly hollow. The reader is left with an impression of little more than a permanent state of suffering among the Palestinians. Lamentation is rarely balanced with stories of humor, of life lived in between the tragedies and the disappointments.

But in his nuanced description of the Arab-Israeli conflict, Khoury is able to escape political rhetoric and touch on the truths so often left out of the headlines. “Palestine was the cities — Haifa, Jaffa, Jerusalem, and Acre. In them we could feel something called Palestine. The villages were like all villages. It was the cities that fell quickly, and we discovered that we didn’t know where we were. The truth is that those who occupied Palestine made us discover the country as we were losing it.”

 

Happy ever after

Even a death in the family cannot dampen the joyful Nigerian spirit.

The reception after the memorial service took place in a part of Lagos known as Mile 2, a large sub-division undergoing a sprucing up. We set up in a grassy area between two rows of buildings. Those pictured on the right still reflect years of neglect.

I smelled Lagos before I saw it, before I even stepped off the plane. That first inhalation of the city and each subsequent breath overwhelmed me like flood waters spilling over a river’s muddy banks.

It was the effect — I would soon discover — of imbibing through my nose the reality of Third World urban living: too much heat, too much carbon dioxide, and too many heaps of roadside trash. This was my first trip to my parents’ homeland, to attend a service commemorating the twenty-fifth anniversary of my grandmother’s death, and over the next couple of weeks, there would be much more for my senses to absorb.

For the moment, however, I was hours away from stepping out into any of it. I still had to get through the long customs line, which comes before baggage claim in Lagos. Probably because the customs agents know the baggage handlers nab any valuable contraband we passengers might have hidden in our suitcases. Two hours of waiting under epileptic fluorescent lights while baggage handlers presumably ransacked my bags gave me plenty of time to try and decipher the olfactory puzzle that is Lagos.

Of course, I couldn’t. The American-born-and-raised nose cannot isolate the sweet, unctuous aroma of thousands of diesel generators revved up after the electricity has gone out. Again.

A family friend adjusts my headdress made of stiff gold damask, the latest trend, which my inexperienced hands cannot maneuver. In the background, my mother works on her identical headpiece.

On-the-ground realities

A lifetime of Western media exposure had prepared me for the worst this geographically small but socially and economically substantial country — home to a sixth of Africa’s population — could offer. The months before my December visit, the headlines from Nigeria were filled with words like corruption, AIDS, death toll, malaria, Internet scam, ethnic violence, poverty.

Around the time of my trip, The New York Times ran an article, “Blood Flows with Oil in Poor Nigerian Villages.”

The story covered the Niger Delta region around Port Harcourt that is constantly — literally — aflame as militants burn oil pipelines in an attempt to pressure the government and multinational oil companies to share more petro-profits with natives. They’re fighting for more than just a few kobo, Nigerian coins made obsolete by rampant inflation. Nigeria is the tenth-largest crude oil producer in the world and the fifth-largest supplier to the United States. The stakes rise as hostages’ lives are increasingly brought to the table as bargaining chips.

Life for most Nigerians, however, precludes international intrigue. In Lagos in particular, the daily business of survival is more than stressful enough for the poor and middle class.

In the hazy morning light of my first full day, what I had assumed the night before were several new building projects on the road from the airport revealed themselves to be ancient high-rise developments. The unpainted cement buildings seemed on the verge of collapse, having received little cosmetic attention since being built four decades earlier. Despite their dilapidated state, people lived in them. Many left laundry drying on the balconies while they camped in their regular spots on the roadside below, selling anything that could be grown or manufactured in mass quantities: clothing, produce, and various housewares made from wood, plastic, and cheap metals like tin and aluminum.

On day-long vigils lasting well into the night, thousands of Lagosians lined the streets, shoulder to shoulder, stall to stall. Drivers trapped in the traffic jumble of the city’s narrow streets often rolled down their car windows to buy bottled drinks or long-distance calling cards from the hawkers who weaved between the bumper-to-bumper traffic trying to make a sale.

Two days into my trip, I bought a handkerchief while sitting with my mother and aunt in the backseat of a car, on the way to pick up outfits for the memorial ceremony. The salesman looked about 15. Traffic began rolling again before he could collect his money, so he ran between the moving vehicles to catch up with us. His job was dangerous for sure, but he was lucky to have made any money at all. He competed with countless others: older men, boys from the country, and immigrants from all over Africa working the streets.

As I wiped sweat and grime from my face, browning my cheap white handkerchief, I tried to ignore the incessant honking and black exhaust plumes from the cars around us. Sedated by the heat, I felt like yawning but tried hard not to: the filthy haze in the air made me fearful of taking deep breaths. It struck me then that my family and the people of Lagos breathed this air daily. The thought chilled me despite the energy-sapping heat. It had never occurred to me that just getting sufficient oxygen might be one of the daily struggles Nigerians faced, smiling all the while.

Considering their determination to overcome difficult circumstances, I tried not to fret over the next day’s memorial service. But I continued to view the ceremony with my American mind, one that finds dealing with death awkward and depressing. At the very least, I saw it as a chore: attending the funeral of someone I hardly knew largely out of a sense of obligation.  

Finding the silver lining

But, to Nigerians, death can be cause for a celebration. Many things are.

Despite their unrelenting social, economic, and environmental woes, Nigerians express a relentless optimism and sincere exuberance. They see through the suffocating smog that blankets their capital to the fecund (if fast-disappearing) tropical forests in the rest of the country. They hear over the constant commotion of traffic the drumbeat of a rich musical history that includes the internationally influential Afrobeat and the lively Fuji — a hybrid of traditional beats and an ’80s synthesizer aesthetic — named so by a musician who was inspired by the famous volcano in Japan. They read between the headlines that daily spell out political doom, finding instead an opportunity for change and constructive leadership.

Faced with the tumult of the world around them, most Nigerians hold fast to religion — be it Christianity, Islam, tribal beliefs, or some sort of fusion faith — focusing not on death, but on the celebration of a life well-lived and a wonderful afterlife to follow. As a result, the Nigerians I encountered were truly a joyful people.

For me, the day of my grandmother’s memorial service was an interface of all aspects of this diverse culture. The Catholic church service was solemn and prompt, but the day ended the way many things seem to end in Nigeria: with a party.

More people attended the reception than the church service. As we early birds sat outside under a large tent, waiting to be served, I looked at everyone’s attire, which seemed like an attempt to showcase every color imaginable.

It was the third party that week for one of my aunts, a 50-year-old school headmistress. Four parties a week is not unusual for her, so she has a stack of colorful outfits, nearly as tall as I am, to wear for such occasions. In that stack are iro and gele, wrap-around skirts with matching headdresses worn with a buba, a blouse that might match or contrast the color of the skirt.

Nearly every woman at the party wore one of these traditional outfits. Someone wore white with a blue diamond pattern; another wore gold with wine-red flowers. Someone else had on a black buba with gold polka dots and green French-script swirls. Both men and women donned ornately embroidered materials, and members of the same family usually wore matching outfits. In this way, clothing was an expression of two important sources of Nigerian happiness: strong family ties and an impeccable sense of style.

The clothing in all of its scintillating intricacy — and downright costliness in some cases — called to mind another Nigerian value: wealth. Everyone at our party had his or her best foot forward, likely encased in a brand new, flashy shoe. Likewise, wrists, necks, fingers, and ears displayed the most expensive (or most expensive-looking) jewelry people owned. Anything less is barely better than turning up in jeans and a T-shirt to Nigerians. Real gold is precious and treated like a family heirloom. Those of us who could not afford the real thing — and I believe that included a good portion of the attendees — proudly sported inexpensive knock-offs.

The food, when it arrived, was some of the finest (if basic) Nigerian cuisine, cooked by paid women who had been peeling, boiling, and stirring outdoors since the night before. Bits of roasted goat meat and vegetables decorated jolof rice made red by cooking in a tomato sauce. Side dishes included moyin moyin, or bean cake, a soft mound of ground beans mixed with water and steamed inside banana leaves, and egusi, a spicy spinach dish with shrimp and meat. Sweet fried plantain, another staple, barely left room for even the thought of dessert. Everything was served hot — cool food is blasphemy in Nigeria — with a soul-lifting combination of tastes, textures, and colors.

The various elements of the party seemed designed to appeal to all five senses. After the guests had eaten their fill, the music started and partygoers of all ages let loose. There was not only dancing, but also “spraying,” a local custom in which dancers place cash on one another’s faces, necks, and shoulders, all the while moving to that irresistible beat. At times, perhaps at a wedding reception where a new bride is the focus of spraying, Nigeria’s multicolored bills actually float in the air, and it’s easy to see where the custom might have gotten its name.

Why they dance

In some ways, the vigorous Nigerian social life is a response to the country’s downtrodden condition. Certainly, it’s a great way to deal with the day’s frustrations and release energy that seems futilely directed elsewhere, say, at environmental protection.

But there’s something more, I think.

Nigerians hold on to what cannot be quashed by the turbulence of the modern world. They have music, ever present, with instruments such as the talking drum, which for centuries has perfectly mimicked the intonations of the Yoruba language. And they have each other, revered elders and cherished children. And for these things, they are truly grateful.

It’s right there in the language. When one person asks another in Yoruba, “How are you?” the second responds “Mo dupe,” or “I give thanks.”  It’s not just senseless giddiness that keeps them smiling and laughing.

At my grandmother’s party, the most unique elements of Nigerian culture came together like a talented jazz ensemble, playing off one another, giving the best of what they had well into the night and then a little while longer. Friends conversing would suddenly break into a popular song. We younger ones danced to before-our-time favorites that morphed seamlessly, in the middle of a long music set, into Christian praise hymns.

And although the invitation had expressly said “no night party” in red letters, by 9 p.m. the dancing had only just begun.

This idyllic atmosphere did not unfold in a vacuum. The cost of the service, along with the choir, cooks, photographer, and caterers, proved to be a financial strain, despite the combined resources of family and friends. And for all the enthusiasm displayed, illness or death kept some seats conspicuously empty. But this was taken as all the more reason to dance harder, laugh louder, chat longer.

It was death that had brought us together that evening, but I was hard-pressed to remember it when I looked at the jubilant faces of my grandmother’s children and siblings. Perhaps they would save their sadness for another day. But even so, I’m sure it would soon dissolve into the bliss of another long night of festivities.

 

Bearing to look, daring to look

An up-close look at the 2005 Srebrenica Commemoration.

Click here to enter the photo essay.

Between July 12 and 16, 1995, up to 8,000 Bosniak men and boys were killed by Bosnian Serbs under the command of the indicted and still at-large former General Ratko Mladic.  July 11, 2005 marked the ten-year anniversary of the massacre. On that day, 610 victims of the Srebrenica massacre were buried at the Potocari commemoration center in the Serbian Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina.  

There was a time when I was afraid to look at these photographs.  

I developed them at the end of August, after a summer of reporting in Bosnia-Herzegovina.  Though images from the Srebrenica commemoration still intermittently flashed through my mind without warning — bullet-punctured skulls in a mass grave, an old man sobbing and clutching his grandson’s coffin as it was lowered into earth — the thought of looking at them seemed somehow more threatening than my fractured, yet fierce, memories.  

For several days they sat on my desk, bulging in their sealed envelopes. Could I bear to face what I’d experienced? I didn’t know how to make sense of it myself, and nothing and no one had helped so far.  And of course by now the newspapers had no mention of Srebrenica, as if the real story was a one-day ceremony and not the daily lives of people in the area — Bosniaks, Bosnian Serbs, returned refugees, family members of victims, and victimizers.  
    
After the commemoration, friends and I drove through the winding roads of the Serbian Republic and back to Sarajevo.  Around 1am I arrived in Bascarsija, the historic Ottoman section of the city where I was living, and phoned my parents.  “You don’t know what I’ve seen!” I told my father.  “I won’t be able to sleep.  I saw a father jump into the grave of his son who’d been killed … How can I forget this?”

I told him I was sure I’d have nightmares that night and every night afterwards.  “You won’t dream about it,” my father assured me.  He was right.  Instead, images flickered through my mind during unpredictable times of the day:  the lyrical, cyclical movement of coffins as men passed them from hand to hand to hand; the despairing duplication of rows of green shrouded caskets lying in the old battery factory where the Dutch troops were headquartered in 1995.  At other times, phrases, not pictures, jarred me back to the experience:  the comment of a young Bosnian Serb woman living in Srebrenica — “It’s hard to live here because it’s hard to always live between the past and the future,” or the refrain often heard from those whose family members were killed — “We don’t need a commemoration — all we want are our relative's bones.”

When I finally looked at my photographs, I was shocked by how innocuous they were.  I’d had nothing to fear. Everything was so inappropriately static and calm. The images of the mass grave we visited just outside Potocari didn’t reveal the haunt and hush as it was unveiled.  Missing, too, was the tremulous voice of the translator for President of Bosnia Herzegovina’s State Commission for Missing People, Amor Masovic, as he told us the shattered vertebrae and bones we were looking at were approximately 50 of those “who never made it” as they fled Srebrenica for Tuzla.  Masovic then soberly explained that almost all these bodies were incomplete. The remains of each individual might be scattered throughout multiple graves. It could take years to make positive identifications and inform victims’ families.  

The wide angle shots of the commemoration couldn’t capture the cacophony of disparate yet interconnected sounds: the dzenaza (funeral) prayer, whose final lines implored, “That Srebrenica / Never happens again / To no one and nowhere!”; the whir of European Union Force helicopters circling above, monitoring the events on the ground; the muffled, crackled voices of officials as they condemned the massacre, one after another.  No image could convey how the mist hovered over the lush surrounding hills like uneasy, heavy spirits, ready to descend — hills that almost certainly contain more scattered remains of those massacred around Srebrenica.

There was a moment during the commemoration when I and the Serbian journalist with me put down our cameras to offer tissues to a woman with tears streaming down her face as she bailed rain water out of her son’s still-empty grave.  I had the humiliating realization that this was perhaps the most significant thing I had done that day.  

Are these photographs evidence of witness bearing, or merely being there? I’m still not sure.  To me they are merely a reminder of the importance of looking, and of remembering — and understanding the complex responsibilities that accompany both.

"b better in the morning" by artist David Choe.

Covergirl

When a beauty ideal meets the real.

 

"b better in the morning" by artist David Choe.
"b better in the morning" by artist David Choe.

I am 11 years old, sitting in my sister’s car. It is my “special day.” She is applying lipstick at a red light with the expertise of someone who now goes to college. The light turns green and she sticks the lipstick tube between her front teeth and reaches to change gears. Trina drives a stick shift. She is strong. I’m going to drive a stick shift.

“Here” she says, and hands me the tube. My heart tap dances. “It’s more orange-red,” she says without looking at me, “you’d be better in blue-red.”

Trina drives with the window down and doesn’t care if her Sun-In blonde hair whips her in the face because she knows she is beautiful. When I am done smearing this wondrous substance across my lips my hands are still shaking. Trina says, “Just throw it in my purse” and I do, slowly, so I can get a good look inside. I see her powder case and study the colors of her eye shadow, imagining them on my almond shaped eyes. I ask her what the plastic pink compact is and she says, “None of your business” and grabs her purse from my hand and tosses it in the back seat. As usual, I’ve pushed my luck.

At the next stoplight the truck in the lane to our left revs its engine. The front seat is packed with high school boys. I know this because they have the same Hilhi Spartan’s decal on their window that my older brother has on his clarinet case. They glance our way – Trina’s way – and call out, “Hey, you,” and I waffle between shrinking and desperately wanting to be seen ‘cause I’m wearing lipstick! Trina laughs with a wide opened mouth, head tossed back, braces finally off, killer laugh, and says, “Hey what?” And I think, BRILLIANT. She always knows just what to say!

The boy leans out the window, his hand resting on the mirror. A hand that looks wide enough to cover the entire surface of my face. I imagine this briefly and think of my lips leaving a fresh mark on the palm of that boy’s hand and my cheeks turn red. But I know he isn’t looking at me. It’s gonna take a lot more than orange-red lipstick.

The light has turned green and I am ready to have my sister back, but she has shifted slightly in their direction, both perfect breasts pointing their way. The radio is playing ROCK and I try desperately to move coolly, inhibited by the seatbelt Trina insists I wear. Her shoulder strap fits ideally between her perfect breasts and makes her t-shirt even tighter. My t-shirt is long and baggy and covers my butt when I stand, and I have pulled my shoulder strap down under my right arm so it won’t rub against my neck (or accentuate the flatlands of my chest). In this moment, with that truckload of boys peeping in, I would give anything to have Trina’s breasts. I sit, trying to be relaxed and tall with my black bangs cutting straight across my forehead, the sweat beginning to form at the hairline. I wish we were moving.

The boys are still trying to get Trina’s number and I want to scream, “HELLO, THIS IS MY SPECIAL DAY! I GET TO DO WHAT I WANT AND I DON’T HAVE TO DO CHORES AND NO ONE CAN TALK IN CODE OR TELL ME TO SCRAM …” but I don’t. Instead I fumble through the cassette tapes shoved in the glove compartment and then I study the floor. There are empty tab cans, sugar free gum wrappers, and a Shape magazine. Trina is healthy. She works out at a gym where the women walk around the locker room naked and the bulky shiny men wear yellow spandex.

Finally we drive. Trina’s car smells of cigarettes and Angelfire, recently sprayed. She tries to hide her smoking habit from me because she knows somewhere deep that I will do whatever she does (and because she isn’t convinced that she is a smoker).

“I think the guy in the middle was checkin’ you out.” she says.

I start giggling manically, “NO WAY!”

“Totally,” she says, ”with that lipstick you look at least 13.”

While I want to believe her, I can tell she is trying to be nice because she starts biting her lip like she does when she’s nervous or LYING or has to sing a solo at church.

We park at the mall and I take crazy long Trina-sized steps to keep up. It makes my calves hurt. But I can’t slow down; can’t let her see that I am struggling. Trina is COOL. And when I am with her, when I can keep up with her, I am COOL.

I haven’t been to the mall since my mom took me bra shopping earlier in the school year and insisted on coming into the fitting room with me. Trina asks me if I want an Orange Julius and I say, “nah, I’m not hungry …” when I’m actually starving but I don’t want to mess up my lipstick.

We run into Fred Meyer’s (which is the kind of place where I can spend a whole summer’s allowance. It’s like, K-Mart meets Payless Shoes meets the Dollar Store). Trina needs nylons. I go with but veer into the make-up aisle scanning the rows of pretty plastic until I see it. Covergirl. YEAH. I am sweating and eager and breathless but cannot find a lipstick called BLUE-RED. BUT I do find the eye shadow that Trina wears and I feel so victorious I actually consider slipping it into my pocket and walking. But I don’t.

In line behind my sister, I hold my breath wondering if she will stop me from making this dangerously adult purchase. The cashier rings me up and I pull out my sparkly pink plastic wallet with the little mirror in the flap and fake rhinestone closure and think, someday I’ll have a red leather purse and matching high heels and credit cards and no bangs. I make eye contact with Trina and she smiles for a half a second and then she is easily distracted by Luke & Laura on the cover of Soap Opera Digest.

My hand is sticky as I hold the bag, and I tell Trina I have to go to the bathroom. “Meet me in the food court. I need caffeine,” she says, and we head off in opposite directions.

I am so close.

Once situated in a stall on the far end away from the door I wipe my hands on my jeans near the spot I have been trying to work into a hole. I get my wallet/mirror and then pull out my first ever Covergirl eye shadow. I peel off the back, careful not to damage the instructions. There is a diagram and I can see that I am just three easy steps away from changing my life FOREVER.

Step one tells me to apply the lightest shade to my entire eyelid. I do this while trying to keep the soft sparkly blue from dusting my black eye brows. Niiiiiiiice. [EXHALE] On to step two. I take the skinniest side of the application wand and the darkest shade and drag it across my lash line. I do one eye and then the next. (And then I go back and forth and back and forth trying to make them look the same! Eh, close enough.)

I am ready for step three. I read. Apply contour shade to the eyelid crease.

I grip the application wand and steady my gaze in the mirror.

I bring the wand to my eye.

And then I freeze.

Only now do I see it.

I have no crease.

No crease in my eyelid for the contour shade.

No place for blending.

No place to create depth.

There is no step three for me.

I will never be beautiful.

Ever. NEVER EVER.

The stall feels crowded, the walls are pressing in and I am dizzy. I slide off the toilet seat onto the cool tiles and lift the lid, resting my chin on the edge. My head could fit in that toilet bowl, I think. I could stuff my head in there … But then I envision Trina, having finished her diet soda (and maybe small fries if she plans on going to the gym tonight) LOOKING for me, making her way toward the ladies room, FINDING ME, face down … I wipe off step one and two and hurry to the food court. I can’t tell if Trina is checking me for signs of her eye shadow because I am careful not to look at her.

We start walking back toward the exit, and Trina catches her breath and says, “Wow, check him out, he’s from the gym.” She exhales, and I see the red rise in her cheeks, and she starts biting her lip.

Then everything goes SLO-MO.

I see, coming toward us, this amazing boy, no, this amazing MAN, with faded jeans slightly frayed at the edges, Doc Martins squeaking as he approaches. He has gorgeous guitar player hands and I nearly gasp audibly when he reaches up and pushes his thick chocolaty hair (a la Rick Springfield) away from his mile long lashes. This guy is magic and I can’t feel my feet.

Trina’s hips sway with each step. The GUY slides his guitar player hands deep into his pockets. Trina flips her Sun-In blonde hair over her shoulder with a carelessness that I know she does not feel.

And then, when the GUY is inches away from Trina, I see him lift his chin slightly and smile a flawless “never even needed braces” smile UP at Trina. He is now at a complete stop, body turning in towards her, an opening line poised on his stubbled, recently licked, lips.

But she doesn’t slow down, doesn’t smile. I slam back to reality as we speed away from the magical guy. A few seconds later Trina says “Too bad.” I’m so confused. What flaw does she see in him that I can’t see?

We are almost to the car when she says again, “Too bad.”

I stay completely silent, hoping she will forget I am there and just keep talking.

“You’re lucky you’re short.”

I don’t answer because I am sure that she is making fun of me.

“You’ll be able to date anyone you want,” she says. “It totally SUCKS to be this tall.”

I am surprised. And DELIGHTED. I steal a glance at her. My beautiful sister. Then I notice for the first time EVER how she slumps her shoulders when she walks, like she’s apologizing for being WAY UP THERE.

And I think of the family picture we recently took. Trina is center, the edge of the shot just skimming the top of her head. I am in front of her, little and cut off at the knees. Neither of us FITS. I imagine someone pulling the camera back just slightly to accommodate both of us, so you can see ALL of me and ALL of Trina.

Trina notices me noticing her and winks.

“Yeah, they’re gonna love you.”

Maybe, I think. And then we walk. And I take me-sized steps all the way back to the car.

 

Homecoming

An Iraq war veteran returns on the Q train.

 

I thanked a fellow soldier for dropping me off at the train station. The man behind the glass waved his hand when I tried to pay the fare and pointed to the metal door. I smiled and hurried to hop on the train.

The Q train would take me right where I wanted to be. For the first time in almost 16 months, I was on the subway. Everything looked too familiar. The only strange thing was my clothing. My desert uniform, faded from the bright Iraqi sun and stretched from frequent washing; my worn-out boots, rucksack on my back, and the look on my face surely gave me away as a soldier returning from overseas.

I struggled to be oblivious to the curious faces turned toward me. I had no desire to answer any questions or acknowledge them. I was enjoying the ride, knowing that I would not return to Iraq ever again. Though familiar, the surroundings looked different, as I imagined they would after my absence.

The real reason this particular ride felt so different was that I was traveling on my own. There was no company of comrades by my side. I also missed the feel of my assault rifle’s sling around my shoulder.

I challenged my mind to think about something else. But how could I? I caught myself eyeing every movement, every detail around me, not because I expected something to happen, but because I had learned to be observant.

It was one hour before midnight, yet there were so many people out — not an unusual sight in Brooklyn. In some 30 minutes, I would be walking into my parent’s place. My wife was also expecting me there. I could hardly picture what it would be like to see them. They would never stop asking questions.

Just then, I noticed a poorly dressed couple drunkenly arguing with each other as they entered, their voices rising above the drumming of the wheels. The sleepy passengers stayed clear and disregarded them. Two teenagers with coffee cups raced over to the empty spot on the bench near me.

A person can expect anything to happen on a train in Brooklyn at that hour, I thought.

The doors opened and closed. My mind raced back. I remembered Iraq, the last evening when I was sitting outside the tent before boarding a bus to the airport. An explosion could be heard in the distance beyond the wire. I didn’t care. There was nothing I could do. For me, it had been scarier waiting to go on patrol than actually patrolling. But that evening I rejoiced because I had finished my tour, I wasn’t going on patrols anymore, and I was ready to fly home. As usual, it was more than 90 degrees that evening. The blazing sun and stifling heat emanating from the ground made it difficult to stay alert for a prolonged time.

The heat-trapping bulletproof vest and gear added at least 20 pounds on me. Soldiers complained about the weight and discomfort, but wore them during missions and inside the camp when ordered. At the end of every patrol, I always appreciated cool air. That was in the past now.

Holding the handrail, I glanced over my right hand and recalled the patrol on a hot day in May when an antitank grenade and another explosive were thrown at the vehicle I was driving. That day, it was my turn to drive the last vehicle in convoy. The grenades carry a copper charge that, when heated, turns into plasma that can slice through armor. This particular charge penetrated the transparent armor in front of me and stopped inches from my hands. Later I found small, burned dots over my sleeves.

The adrenaline rush was surreal. Such charges are the most lethal weapon used against the coalition forces in Iraq. I couldn’t believe how lucky I was as I stared at my bloody hands. The dust and smoke all around made it nearly impossible to discern whether everybody was alive. The blown-up tires added to the frenzy, as I tried to control the vehicle. The explosions damaged the gunner’s ear, but otherwise we were okay. Then the pain settled in. It was nothing I couldn’t tolerate, but my hand swelled and I was unable to use it for a few days.

When we finally stopped and secured the area, I was surprised to find that Iraqi civilians weren’t afraid. In fact, it was just the opposite. They gathered around, watching mostly in silence. It was not the first time we had come under attack, but this was the closest I had come in harm‘s way. The attackers dispersed, as they did most of the time, leaving us no chance to fight back. I was taken to a medical facility, and my patrols stopped for a while. I found out later that no useful information had been obtained from the bystanders. I didn‘t blame them.

I was glad to learn that the gunner did not sustain serious injuries in the attack. My hands also healed in time. The speck — shrapnel too small to be surgically removed — could be seen on an X-ray of my right hand. Although the incident happened more than five months ago, I remembered it clearly.

 

 

The train exited the tunnel and was approaching a stop. The doors opened, and the cool night air rushed in. No new passengers entered the car. Those who remained inside seemed oblivious of me as well as of everything else around us. The quarrelling couple was silent, and the teenagers looked out the window behind them. A few seats became available, but I chose to continue standing. I had spent too long sitting on a bus, traveling to the armory where the army finally released me.

As the train started to slow, the teenagers became anxious. I would think it normal to be uneasy traveling without supervision at their age, but there was something unusual in the way they jumped up when the train halted. Before running out, one of the kids threw the coffee cup, aiming at the tipsy woman in the corner. Neither the passengers nor I flinched. The cup missed, hitting the wall above the woman’s head. The lid flew off, the cup’s contents splashing over the woman, who muttered something under her breath. I kept a sharp eye on the kids, as they ran across the platform toward the staircase. The train then made a clucking noise and started to leave the station.

I was surprised at how calm the passengers, including the couple, were.

There was no perceptible way to know whether anybody cared, even though they clearly saw what had just happened. With the exception of a bulky man asleep with headphones, all the passengers looked as if they were stoned. For a few brief seconds, they moved their eyes slightly in the direction of the distressed woman, who tried to brush off the liquid. The man across from her paid no attention. Nothing followed but the beat of the moving train.

I stood there shocked, thinking that an action like that could get a man killed in a war zone. There was no way to know what the kid had in his hand. It all happened too fast. I was surprised to find myself standing motionless, not dropping to the floor or looking for concealment.

But it didn’t matter. The train was carrying me closer to my destination.

I haven’t seen my family since December when I had a two-week furlough.

I got off the train at Kings Highway. Almost home, I was delighted to be back.

 

A summer of gracious living

A luxury safari in Kenya proves that modernity and the Maasai can live in harmony.

Reticulated Giraffe running. There are three subspecies of giraffes that live in East Africa: the Reticulated, whose spots are very clearly and cleanly marked; the Maasai, who are the tallest (up to 18 feet), darkest in color, and with spots going all the way down their legs; and the Rothschild, who are slightly smaller and lighter in color and have white “stockings.” (Marian Smith)

Matasha’s daughter squealed in delight when she saw the image of herself on my digital camera.  

The miniature screen showed her — the tallest child in the group — surrounded by almost ten other skinny, dusty, grinning children. Matasha, my Maasai guide, towered over them, tall and proud, his robes a bright pinpoint of red against the brown and tan colors of the savannah.

In the background appeared the interior of Matasha’s family compound. A massive fence of gnarled, sharp branches enclosed a cluster of round huts made from dung and sticks. The family corralled its herd of cattle in the middle of the huts each night, protecting them from the lions that roam the stretch of plains between Kenya’s Chyulu hills and the majestic Mt. Kilimanjaro.  

This was Campi ya Kanzi, 400 square miles of Maasai-owned land bordering the Tsavo West and Chyulu National Parks near the Amboseli Reserve in Kenya. Last summer, I stayed there with my boyfriend, Dan, and various members of my family, for four days at the beginning of a three-week-long safari through Kenya and Tanzania.

I squirmed the first time I saw where Matasha lived, unable to fathom why anyone would enjoy living in a hut made from dung. But at the end of my three weeks in Africa, after staying at other safari camps, I came to realize that the Maasai at Campi ya Kanzi were more than content with their traditional lifestyle and the dung huts that came with it; their culture was successfully withstanding any encroaching Westernization.

But I also realized that this fortunate state of affairs was allowed to happen only rarely. At most of the camps, ecotourism was simply a substitute word for high-priced wildlife-viewing expeditions. Locals weren’t given any stake in this version of tourism as nature conservation. At the same time, any notion of trying to preserve the local culture was practically unheard of. It was only at very few places, such as Campi ya Kanzi, that a pampered stay didn’t leave me with an uneasy conscience.

At Campi ya Kanzi, guests slept on feather pillows and Italian linens, enjoyed indoor plumbing in our canvas tents, and were supplied with soft white robes and slippers to wear at night. Each day, we woke up to a soft “Good morning” and the smell of freshly brewed coffee and sweet biscuits waiting on a tray on our private porch. During the day, we drove through endless miles of rolling bush, picnics packed in the trunk of our jeep, looking for wildlife with the help of our expert Maasai guides. And as the orange African sun began to set, we stopped on hilltops for our regular “sundowners” — wine and snacks — before heading back to camp.

The camp was the dream-come-true of Luca and Antonella Belpietro, a young couple from Brescia, in northern Italy. Ten years ago, Luca convinced Antonella to leave her chic life in Italy for the raw beauty of Kenya — the place where Luca had traveled extensively as a boy. Together, they discovered the Maasai-owned land in southern Kenya and formed a partnership with the 3,000 herdsmen living on it. With the Maasai’s help, Luca and Antonella built a main house and six cottages — with thatched roofs, rough wooden beams, and canvas sidings — for a maximum of 14 guests at any one time. They named the place Campi ya Kanzi, which means “Camp of the Hidden Treasure” in Kiswahili, and then invited people to come and see why.

Matasha, my Maasai guide, in traditional dress of red robes and beaded necklaces and bracelets. The spear in his right hand was with him always, a customary protection against wild animals when walking out in the bush. (Will Ebert)

Sustainable safari

Before I came to Campi ya Kanzi, I had been on a safari before, in the enormous Kruger National Park in South Africa almost 10 years ago.

I went with a friend’s family, and we stayed in unmemorable huts and drove ourselves around in a jeep, trying to avoid the seven-car pile-ups in which one or two cars would spot an animal and then five others would gather to form a rather — if I may say so — obnoxious crowd.  

This was no Kruger.  

For starters, there was only one other family and a honeymooning couple besides my family at Campi, and Luca and Antonella treated all of us as their personal guests. On our first day, they settled us into our tents, showed us around the grounds, and educated us on the history of the place. They also made very clear the camp’s mission — to raise money for schools and healthcare for the Maasai living anywhere within the extensive property, and to protect the wildlife.

That first day, Antonella explained that the wood for the camp’s construction came from sustainable tree plantations in nearby national forests, and that the water purifying system had been built out of the ubiquitous lava rocks of the Chyulu Hills. An organic vegetable garden provided the kitchen with its own natural produce, and the diesel generator* only ran for a few hours each day. Cards in our bathrooms told us that the little bottles of shampoos and soaps were biodegradable.

With an Italian eye for style, Antonella had decorated the lodge and the tents with local and traditional art: Beaded collars with strings of shells, ornate masks, and wooden carvings. Inside the main house, overstuffed sofas surrounded a large stone fireplace and heavy wooden chairs looked out across the open veranda to the mountains in the distance.

Most other camps lacked Campi’s rustic yet comfortable atmosphere.

Camp Kirawira in Tanzania, actively promoted its British colonial history, offering guests elaborate silver tea services laid out by local waiters wearing drab, grey uniforms and white gloves. Oriental carpets and old gramophones decorated the main house. Sure, the guides spoke flawless English and knew the Latin names of all the animals, but something didn’t feel quite right when a khaki-wearing man told us his tribe was Maasai. “Really?” I thought to myself and wondered where on the Serengeti he had bought his tan safari boots.

At Campi ya Kanzi, the Maasai were free to be themselves, red robes, spears and all. Along with the wildlife, they were the camp’s greatest assets.

Once, when we were in the bush on a game drive, Matasha called out to Stefano, our other guide and driver, to stop the jeep — he had seen an animal in the distance. I scanned the horizon eagerly, but even with binoculars glued to my face, I couldn’t see much besides trees and bushes.

Matasha said something to Stefano in Maa, the Maasai language.  

“Ah, yes,” Stefano said, looking into the distance with his own pair of binoculars. Then he translated. “A young giraffe — Maasai — born maybe three months ago.”

I continued to look, all the while silently grumbling to myself. Then, something miles away moved, and sure enough, through my binoculars, I could just make out the silhouette of a young Maasai giraffe, one of the three main subspecies that can be found in East Africa. My binoculars were no match for Matasha’s eyesight, however, so I took his word for it that the animal was three months old.

Matasha’s daughter, center, wearing my hat and sunglasses. Other children surround her, and in the background is the gnarled fence that forms the corral for the family’s cattle each night. (Will Ebert)

Conversations about conservation

At dinner time, the whole camp — all of us guests, Luca, Antonella, their three-year-old daughter Lucrezia, Stefano, and sometimes a few of the Maasai guides who spoke English — sat around the large wooden table in the main house. Animal sightings — herds of elephant, gazelles, giraffes, and zebras — were discussed at great length as was the more serious issue of introducing certain rare species back into the region.

On one such evening, Luca told us of some poachers who had hidden the skinned carcass of a hartebeest — a kind of antelope — in a large bush in the hills of the Maasai land. He guessed that the poachers came from the Wakamba, another tribe that competes for resources with the Maasai, often resulting in tension between the two tribes. Luca resolved to gather a team of Maasai to go find the men.

The fierce ownership Luca displayed that night was equal to that of the Maasai, even though Luca is essentially a guest on their land. The two parties have built an extraordinarily strong and respectful partnership, and that is what makes Campi ya Kanzi unique in my eyes. Of the $425 per person per night fee, $30 goes to a charitable foundation that supports the Maasai culture — Luca meets with representatives from the community several times a year and together they decide how to allocate funds to schools, healthcare, and social projects. The rest of the money goes to sustaining the camp and its employees, and paying the salaries of the Maasai who work there or as scouts, patrolling the land for poachers.

In this way, as the Maasai work to conserve the wildlife on the reserve, they benefit from even the smallest number of tourists. In 2000, Luca and Antonella also set up the Maasai Wilderness Conservation Trust that contributes specifically to wildlife adoption and to reimbursing the Maasai for any damages to their herds caused by predators.

Showing the Maasai the benefits of protecting lions in particular was difficult at first since cattle, which the lions hunt, are the Maasai’s livelihood. Dowries are given in cattle, boys are given their first cows when they formally become men, and families are considered wealthy only by the number of cows they own. But slowly the Maasai have come to realize that the more lions there are, the more consistent the stream of tourists contributing to Campi ya Kanzi’s trust which, in turn, helps preserve the Maasai culture.  

Years ago, Luca told me, a Christian missionary group tried to help the Maasai by building them a well so they would always have water. But after months of grazing their herds of cattle only on the surrounding grasses, the Maasai found that the land had become parched and the well was providing less and less water. The missionaries had meant well but their lack of cultural understanding blinded them to ways of helping that would still allow the Maasai to continue living their traditional nomadic life.

Matasha’s daughter, center, in a green dress, surrounded by other children. Behind them are two traditional huts constructed of dung, mud and sticks with a thatched roof. Inside, it is almost pitch dark and there are only a few fist-sized holes in the walls to let in light and release smoke from a small fireplace that burns in one corner. In the background is the corral’s fence, and behind that are the Chyulu Hills. (Will Ebert)

The pride of the Maasai

As guides, cooks, guards, and caretakers, the Maasai employees of the camp are not making their living by traditional means. But they do return to their villages on weekends and periodically throughout the year, and with the support of the foundation, they are all very likely living as closely as they can to their nomadic heritage.

When Matasha invited us to see his village, it became clear how respectful this reciprocal relationship between tradition and tourism can and should be. The visit with his family was not part of the tour — he was not being paid to show us a slice of Maasai life. Rather, he invited us as his guests. Matasha and his extended family live in essentially the same way his ancestors have lived for generations, and he was happy to show us the culture he was fighting to sustain.

In the dusty corral, Matasha’s wife watched over the assortment of children. By now, they had managed to extract the sunglasses and hat from my head and were gleefully chasing one another in their attempts to try them on. With his colorfully beaded wooden stick — a rungu — signifying leadership and power, Matasha motioned us toward one of the mud huts. Beaming, he told us it was his mother’s house.

Thinking about that day now, I can’t help but recall how the other safari camps spelled out in their brochures what it was like to visit a traditional village with their guides. They advertised it as an authentic experience, a unique opportunity to see where and how tribespeople had been living for generations. But when we realized that these “visits” actually entailed crowds of tourists piling into little vans to descend on these “villages,” where dollars could buy the beaded necklaces and postcards conveniently on display, we refused to sign up. It didn’t sit right, especially after Matasha had so generously invited us inside his own mother’s hut, where she slept, cooked, and lived her quiet life.

I must admit though that when I first saw Matasha’s home, it was difficult to reconcile the fact that I would be going back to a furnished, comfortable tent that night, while Matasha’s children would pile into their dung hut at bedtime. But seeing how happy they were — how proud — to live the way they did, brought home the fact that I was the only one feeling embarrassed about the disparity in our sleeping arrangements. Matasha and the other Maasai working at the camp saw the luxury of the guests’ lodgings every day, but they weren’t jealous. To them, our lifestyle was just another way of living.  

Part of the beauty of traveling is learning to look at things from a new perspective, however clichéd that sounds. For the rest of my stay at Campi ya Kanzi, I stopped feeling guilt-stricken when I returned to my tent at night. That I slept on a feather pillow was of little consequence to the Maasai at Campi. Rather, what mattered to them (and to me) was that my visit was helping sustain a traditional way of life they did not want to lose. My conscience slept easier after that.

Matasha‘s daughter, center, in a green dress, surrounded by other children. Behind them is Matasha‘s mother‘s hut, constructed from dung, mud and sticks with a thatched roof. To the left is Stefano, Luca‘s long-time friend from school in Italy, who works at Campi ya Kanzi as a guide. (Will Ebert)

Correction, April 7, 2006: This article originally misstated that Campi ya Kanzi uses a solar-powered generator for a few hours each day. In fact, the camp uses a regular diesel generator for a few hours each day when it needs to run some heavy-duty appliances. The rest of the time, it uses solar-powered electricity. (Go to the corrected text.)

 

How many strikes?

The streets of New York are tough. They’re even tougher when you’re a homeless, transgender teenager.

 

Every Friday afternoon, the Ikon Model Management agency in Manhattan holds an open call for aspiring models. The tiny waiting room fills quickly with applicants who sit, legs tapping, on cushioned benches. Lemonade walls and the endless trickling of a waterfall create an atmosphere of false serenity. The receptionist types primly and pretends the applicants aren’t there. Everyone stares suspiciously at one another.

Today, Kimy was lucky enough to get a seat. With her black hair and cowboy boots, she looks like a dark shadow against the sugary sweetness of the décor. She’s six foot three and thin. Spidery eyelashes veil her gold-specked green eyes, and what little skin she does reveal — her face and hands — glows warm and brown. People on the street often ask her if she’s a model, which is why she’s decided to try and actually become one — that, and the money is good.

A woman in pearls and kitten heels finally appears. She starts accepting portfolios, but Kimy didn’t bring any photographs — the website states that none are needed to apply at open calls. “Sorry, we need photos,” snips the pearls. Out of luck, Kimy packs up her things and leaves.

Kimy is tired and doesn’t have enough money for a MetroCard. She walked over twenty-five blocks to get here and has no permanent residence. Kimy is also biologically male, which she thinks might be the reason she hasn’t been able to break into the modeling world so far. Being a homeless transgender teen does not make it easy to get any sort of break.

 

 

Morning rituals

At a quarter to eight in the morning in west Manhattan, the air by the freeway carries the balminess of early spring and the crisp chill brought by the night. There’s the dull pungency of gasoline fumes and the slapping of tires on asphalt. The traffic thickens as the sun comes up, shining on commuters hurrying to work, the rush of taxicabs, and footsteps.

Sylvia’s Place, a few blocks from the West Side Highway, shares a small space on 36th Street with its sponsor, the Metropolitan Community Church, next to a run-down Best Western hotel. This is where Kimy lives, at least for now.  

For transgender teens like Kimy, Sylvia’s is a rare refuge. A quarter of the youth at Sylvia’s are transgender and the atmosphere is safe and caring, although oversubscribed. Exact numbers are hard to come by, however, because no one is really counting. “Good statistics don’t exist,” says Pauline Park, chair of the New York Association for Gender Rights Advocacy. “The relevant government agencies don’t give a damn about transgender people, and that is the simple reality.”

For the last ten years, Park has been lobbying for city and state agencies to track transgender issues, especially among youth. They won’t do it, she says, out of fear of political ramifications. “Many of these agencies are headed by political appointees who say they’re not under legislative mandate to deal with the issue,” she says. “But the real reason is they won’t do it is because they’re political cowards. Transgender kids are out on the streets and it’s a huge problem, but if they did a formal survey, then there would be an argument for doing something about it.”

The last time anyone counted seems to be 2003, when the Empire State Coalition of Youth and Family Services estimated that up to 7,000 of New York City’s homeless youth are queer-identified. If that’s the case, it could be the reason why Sylvia’s Place is so packed, with less than 80 beds throughout the city shelter system designated as “safe beds” for LGBT kids. And even those beds, according to Kate Barnhart, the manager of Sylvia’s Place, aren’t really safe — especially for transgender kids. “There are very few transgender people in the shelter system, because they are not welcomed there,” she says. “But there are lots of transgender homeless people, because it’s fucking impossible to get a job as a transgender person.”

Some shelters have non-discriminatory policies regarding sexual orientation, and in fact, a citywide policy was recently adopted to specifically protect against LGBT discrimination in city-run shelters. But these rules seem to do little to prevent actual harassment. Kate says transgender youth are regularly subjected to beatings and verbal abuse. “In some places, the staff actively participates in the harassment,” she says. “In others, the staff allows the abuse to go on, and just looks the other way.”

New York City’s largest general population youth shelter, Covenant House, has a reputation among shelter workers for being blatantly homophobic. In fact, Covenant regularly rejects so many LGBT kids that the counselors at Sylvia’s refer to former Covenant residents as “refugees.” (The last time Kate did a formal count, she had received 15 refugees in a two-month period, triple the capacity of Sylvia’s ten beds.)

When Kimy was at Covenant a few months ago, she asked the intake counselor whether being transgender would be a problem. “The counselor told me that transgender people are allowed in, but they always cause lots of trouble,” she says. A Covenant House spokesperson categorically refused to comment on allegations that the shelter discriminates against LGBT kids, and also declined to say whether Covenant has a non-discrimination policy or designates beds for LGBT kids.

Even Sylvia’s place, haven that it is at night, bars its doors during the day. Technically, the kids are supposed to be gone by 7:45 a.m., but the counselors do what they can to delay putting the kids back out on the streets.  

On Wednesdays, a free medical clinic affords them a few extra hours of sleep, since the volunteer doctor doesn’t arrive at the site until the working day has begun. The kids can sleep in the rectory of the church, where there are chairs and a couple of couches.

This morning Kimy crashes in an armchair, her lanky frame sprawled in the light filtering through the windows of the church. She’s not a morning person, and she rarely gets more than six hours of sleep anyway. Today she’s lucky: the doctor is late due to traffic. When he arrives, he flips on the fluorescent lights and rouses the groggy kids, who are rubbing their eyes and groaning. They shuffle out into the receiving room to wait their turn. Most of them slump into the folding chairs and pull sweatshirt hoods over their faces.

But Kimy can’t get back to sleep. She pilfers through a brown paper bag from the shelter for breakfast: a couple of crackers and a can of apple juice. She pulls a book from her black satchel and reads silently as she waits, tapping her weathered boots on the floor. She hitchhiked from New Mexico to New York City in these shoes.

Two hours later, it is finally Kimy’s turn. The doctor treats her for a mild cold. Kimy doesn’t feel very sick, but her guttural cough has persisted for months, and she thought she should complain about something while she had the chance to get help. “It sucks to get sick in New York City,” she says. The doctor continues to ask questions, her date of birth, whether she identifies as a man or a woman. “I’m a guy,” shrugs Kimy, as if in defeat.

A scale in the corner catches Kimy’s eye, and she begs to stand on it. Appalled to find she’s gained 20 pounds since the last time she weighed herself, she laments having indulged in the “little things” — presumably the meager snacks doled out by the shelter — though her clothes hang limply on limbs that look like toothpicks. Kimy has been hospitalized for eating disorders. She knows she’s not fat — daily, she eats less than one full meal — but nonetheless, the discovery ruins her day.  She leaves the church swathed in a black trench coat, even though the day is steadily warming.

Then it’s out onto the streets. Times Square, just a few blocks away, glitters with its usual panache, choked by tourists and Midtown office workers. Kimy merges with the crowds, a full head taller than most, her gait regal, her expression blank. She saunters purposefully, though she doesn’t really have anywhere to go. The day stretches out, endless, nagging. Limitless, and at the same time, stagnant. Her hips, in the pinstriped pants and rhinestone belt she wears every day, swing from side to side, and the heels of her boots click, click, click on the pavement. But from whom to bum the first cigarette of the day?

 

 

Turning tricks

Transgender teens face the same problems as the larger transgender population, of whom a disproportionate number are homeless. Many are kicked out of their homes when their parents discover them cross-dressing.  Once out on the streets, it’s even tougher to gain and keep a job: Even if transgender people have identification, it often contradicts how they appear. One set of clothes quickly goes ragged, which doesn’t help either. If the kids don’t immediately fall victim to street violence — a looming danger, with society still largely intolerant of ambiguous gender or sexuality — they’re likely to turn to prostitution.

The Easy Internet Café in Times Square has become both a haven from the streets and a thriving social scene for homeless kids in Midtown. Like everything in this city, the scene is vast: The Empire State Coalition has estimated that there may be as many as 20,000 homeless kids in Manhattan alone. Nestled between Madame Tussaud’s and McDonald’s on 42nd Street, at three bucks an hour, the café provides an affordable way to pass the time.  Working in groups, the kids can easily bum a few dollars in change, and share the computer time between each other.  Plus, it’s warm inside.  Although the café’s food counter serves overpriced lattes and pastries, which the kids can’t afford, the smell of espresso and baking bread adds to the feeling of being somewhere “normal,” escaping the drafty chaos of the shelters.  

The café also provides a way to make money. Online prostitution doesn’t require an interview or nice clothes.

“The Internet café really has become an addiction for these kids,” says Kate. “It’s a dissociative, escapist thing.”  It’s gotten so bad that the counselors at Sylvia’s have started lecturing the kids about “café reduction,” reminding them that they have to go out in the world and get things done if they’re ever going to get out of the shelters. Kate worries about the prostitution she knows is negotiated in the cafés, and tries to encourage phone sex if they’re going to go that route — at least then, the kids are less likely to wind up with an STD, or get assaulted. “But these kids have limited choices,” says Kate, “and I have nothing else to offer as an alternative.”

Usually, Kimy spends several hours a day — however many she can buy — scouring the Internet for potential clients.  Back in the small Utah town where she grew up, Kimy made $10 for oral or sometimes anal sex when she first started turning tricks.  All that seems a long time ago.  Kimy’s parents, whom she describes as educated and intellectual, but “uncomfortable” with her sexual identity, know she’s homeless, but they don’t know she’s turning tricks. Kimy’s too proud to tell them: She doesn’t want to be tempted to take their money. Anyway, here in New York City, she can make more than she used to, because the clientele is often comprised of Manhattan businessmen with money to spare.  

But Kimy’s rates haven’t gone up by much. She says she recently made $50 for oral sex with a man in the back room of his office in the Empire State Building, her usual rate for blowjobs.  She’ll do full sex for $100, though many of her friends charge twice as much.  “It’s pathetic, I know, because everyone else is making hundreds of dollars for the same work,” she admits.  “It’s just really easy money.” Sometimes Kimy is selective about her work — not taking offers she feels aren’t worth it — but in times of desperation, she’ll take anything she can get.

Watching Kimy negotiate online tricks is like watching a mad scientist at work. She typically posts on several different forums, using carefully crafted language to attract clients, and has seven email accounts to handle the massive volume of mail she’ll receive within ten minutes of placing her ads.  

Substituting a dollar sign for the letter “S” signals prostitution, and certain words are triggers.  “Men like to hear words like soft, warm, young, tight,” Kimy advises.  This time, her post reads: “Tall $en$ual Beautiful Young Fre$h Tranny Need$ Financial Help.  Can and will do anything.  6’3, 160 pounds.  35, 28, 34 (ouch), slim warm body, long dark soft straight hair.  Can do ANYthing.  Meow!”

The screen is quickly littered with instant message pop-ups.  Kimy responds to each one while simultaneously refreshing her email accounts to read and reply to various offers.  She composes flirtatious responses, but her comments aloud — “I hate men,” “losers,” “I hope you all die; I hate you all” — reveal her true feelings.

Kimy says that even if lots of things about being transgender are hard, there’s an upside: It’s easy to find “straight guys” — otherwise known as “tranny chasers” — who’ll pay money to sleep with you. That’s why so many homeless transgender youth end up doing sex work, according to Pauline Park. “There’s a huge underground tranny chaser scene, made up mostly of professional white men,” she says. “Many are married but don’t view sex with a tranny as cheating on their wife because ‘it’s not a real woman.’ They want someone feminine but functional — a chick with a dick.”

Tranny chasers mean fast cash for kids like Kimy, who — while biologically male — puts up a demure, submissive front. And in a strange way, her customers also provide emotional reinforcement. “Male-to-female transsexuals tend to be particularly self-critical,” says Park. “What’s more validating than having a man pay for your femininity?”

But Kimy doesn’t like to talk about things like that, preferring to stick to business. Her bidders are filtered according to their financial prowess.  Those who won’t pay enough, she firmly disregards.  “This is where it becomes like a business transaction,” she says as she types furiously.  “Like trading stocks and bonds.”  She induces floods of offers by saying she’s got a “tight asshole” and that sex will hurt her, which isn’t untrue.  “They always have to poke around a lot,” she admits.  “I have no feelings when it happens.  No one can get inside of me. They try and try, but they can’t get in.”

Before Kimy can close any deals, her computer time runs out.  None of her friends are around today to bum a few more minutes online.  Yesterday, one of the guards kicked them out for being rowdy — the same guard who routinely pays her friends for sexual favors and harasses the group, Kimy says, because he knows they’re homeless.  She’s filed a complaint, but so far it hasn’t done any good.  Spotting him in the corner, she makes a quick exit before he sees her and makes a scene.

 

 

Dress up

All her life, Kimy has wanted to be a girl.  She remembers her older sister calling her “Alice” and dressing her in girl’s clothing.  At some point, she began wearing those clothes on her own, and she thinks her parents probably suspected she was gay as early as age 4.  By age 13, Kimy had abandoned cross-dressing and instead become obsessed with the idea of getting a sex change operation.  “I’ve always hated this thing between my legs, and wondered why I have it,” she says.  At one point, she was so frustrated that she almost took scissors to her penis and chopped it off.  

“Transgender kids who are poor or homeless have little realistic hope of accessing medical care, let alone hormones,” says Shannon Minter, Legal Director for the National Center For Lesbian Rights and board member of the Transgender Law Project. “Street hormones and black-market silicone injections are relatively accessible, but dangerous. But people are in pain, and they’re facing an overwhelming desire to physically transition, so they end up taking desperate measures.”

Even those who aren’t poor may fall into these traps.  Most health care plans won’t cover hormones or gender reassignment surgery.  Yet surgery — or the stated intent to have it — is one of the factors needed in many states to formally change the gender on one’s I.D.  That’s why so-called “pumping parties” — like Tupperware parties, only with silicone injections — have become so common.

Kimy, by the time she was 16, wanted the operation so badly that she started stealing to save up for it.  Things were getting worse with her parents, who she says, “just wanted me to be normal.”  At first, Kimy just took little things, but eventually she stole computers, cars, and even a cash register.  Finally, she got caught.

Kimy was sent to a juvenile detention center for a few months — a place where she says she had never seen “so many penises” in her whole life.  There were times when she was almost raped, but she was lucky enough to have some of the other inmates on her side to protect her.

Soon after she got out of jail, she got into a fight with her stepfather.  He told her that Utah wasn’t the place for someone like her, that he didn’t want her in the house anymore.

She had nowhere to go.  “I just kept thinking to myself if I were a girl, none of this would have ever happened,” recalls Kimy.  “I wouldn’t have had to steal things in the first place.”  

Kimy took off in a stolen car with a male friend who had fallen in love with her.  He told her he wanted to take her away, to take care of her, to never let anyone hurt her again.  “We were bouncing, heading east towards Oklahoma,” she says.  “He said he had family there that we could stay with.”  They got as far as New Mexico before they were both arrested for possession of drugs and car theft.  In the local jail, Kimy says, there was a lot of sexual activity going on.  An incident — she classifies it somewhere between rape and consensual sex — occurred.  Ever since that time, she has hated sex, and men.

When Kimy was released, people on the street told her to get out of their town.  She reads tarot cards, and the cards told her to go east.  So she began hitchhiking her way to New York City, exchanging sexual favors for rides.  

There was a lot of walking, and it was cold.  She hit the city in December and spent the first few nights on the streets, crashing on the stairs of the subway entrance where the warm air wafts upward.  “The whole time, a stubborn attitude was going through my head, that I could do this,” she says. “I didn’t sleep all night.”  Another night she was able to sleep inside Penn Station, where the cops are more lenient.  She had $40 in her pocket and a pack of cigarettes.  

Kimy decided that during the daytime hours, she should walk around the city and get used to it, get to know it.  She didn’t have anything else to do, and she needed to do something.  But the winter nights were getting brutal.

She found a phone book and looked up the names of shelters, beginning a phase of constant transition and instability, being bounced from bed to bed.  At St. Agnes, the boys flashed their penises at her.  At Covenant House, a group of kids beat up her straight friends for hanging out with her.  While younger generations on the whole are increasingly tolerant of gays and lesbians, many kids — like the rest of society — still think transsexualism is weird or freakish. The need for LGBT “safe” beds and places like Sylvia’s underscore the threat of violence.  Instead of the perpetrators being punished, Kimy and her friends were kicked out.  That’s when she came to Sylvia’s Place.  She had just turned 19.

 

 

A bored and broke tourist

Sometimes, Kimy walks for hours.  If she has an appointment to go to, or someone to meet, she’ll often circle the block to kill time.  When the weather is bad, she’ll ride the subways.  Better to keep moving than to sit still and have time to think.

“Being homeless sucks,” she says.  “It’s like being a really bored tourist with no money every single day.”  Central Park is a decent hangout, but “there’s a lot of really strange people there.”  Often, in the park or along 42nd Street, religious fanatics snarl comments at her, calling her either Jesus or Satan.  Wherever she goes, people notice her.  But Kimy just wants to remain unseen.  “Most days, I just try and hide.”

The New York Public Library is a good hiding place.  On cold days, Kimy often reads there for hours in a deserted wing.  Plus, the library has free Internet access, even though it’s cut off after half an hour and the connection is agonizingly slow.  Kimy heads there now, hoping to close one of her deals.  

A few months ago, Kimy had a real job selling newspapers.  But she got too much harassment being on the street.  One man approached her, saying he wanted her to work as a messenger.  It ended up that he just wanted her to be a stripper.  She had sex with him for money.  “It was disgusting,” she says, as she logs on to the library’s ancient computer with sticky keys.  “He wanted to touch my private parts and I hate that, but I had to let him do it.”  She lost the newspaper job soon after.  

It’s tough to get a job in this city, and even tougher without an I.D.  Kimy’s was stolen a few weeks ago by a boyfriend she thought she could trust, and she doesn’t have her birth certificate or proof of address to get a new one. He also took all of her art supplies, her CD player, and what few clothes she had.

Kimy’s just grateful he didn’t take the one thing in the world that means the most to her: her teddy bear, Cubbins.  “I’ve had him since I was four years old.  He gives me a purpose for living,” she says.  “I take care of him.  I treat him as the child I’ll never have, even though he’s a stuffed animal.  He’s the reason I don’t commit suicide.”

Suddenly, Kimy gets an email offer from a guy who saw her leaving the Internet café.  He wants to meet her in ten minutes for a blowjob.  Kimy agrees.  Hastily, she finishes up the one personal conversation she’s been having — a boy she often talks to online, but has never met.  With time running out, she signs off with “I want you to hold me.”

 

 

Transformations

Kimy meets her potential trick, a tall man in a business suit, standing outside of the Easy Internet Café.  They talk for a while, but eventually Kimy tells him she doesn’t want to go through with the deal.  He’s offering her $50, and with the cost of the hotel room where they’d have to go at this hour, she’d only be making $25.  She doesn’t want to do the deed for that price.  “I would have felt terrible about myself afterward.”  With no prospect of Internet use and no money, she bums a smoke and heads to Virgin Records to zone out.

Music is Kimy’s sedative.  It is also her source of creative inspiration.  Kimy’s dream is to be a fashion designer and have her own studio, where she can create personalized designs for her clientele, who would come to her.  Then, she wouldn’t have to go out in public very much.  She could stay in her own little world.  

When Kimy listens to music, she sees models strutting down runways in her head.  She transposes these visions into a black sketchbook she carries with her everywhere.  Without her CD player, she now comes to Virgin and hangs out in the trance section.  She puts on the bulky black headphones and stands still, letting the sounds wash over her, like a tall, dark phantom, bothering nobody, hoping not to be noticed.  

Afterwards, the warm weather allows Kimy to head to Bryant Park to sketch the design she’s just conceived.  “I wish I could just videotape what’s in my head and show it to everyone,” she says as she neatly lays out her colored pencils on the small table.  She no longer has the luxury of her expensive acrylic paints and brushes, which were among the possessions taken by her boyfriend.  She thinks he probably just threw them away.

It’s lunchtime: a chocolate pudding cup and the rest of the crackers from this morning.  Kimy draws a black dress with a plunging open back connected by strings of diamonds.  The wind billows through her shoulder-length black hair, the afternoon light glinting on the auburn ends of a faded dye job.  “Oh yes, this will be really easy to make …” she murmurs.  For a moment, she’s somewhere else.

Late afternoon, done with her sketch, Kimy heads to the fashion district to look at fabrics and sewing supplies, things she dreams of buying one day.  It’s another one of her escapes.  She can spend hours in these stores, surrounded by cotton and silk, fingering the different textures, imagining how well this or that material would work for her latest designs.  

Kimy has been drawing for as long as she can remember. “I see things happening in my mind.  I want to transform things, and that’s why I’m always really quiet,” she says. “I want to make everything in my head happen in reality.”  But fabric isn’t cheap, and Kimy doesn’t have money anyway.  So she touches the fabrics delicately, lingering, as if trying to memorize how it feels to hold them in her hands.

Tomorrow, she says, she’s going to be productive.  She’s going to go get her food stamps, and maybe try to find a job.

 

 

Meat and potatoes

On a Sunday night a few weeks later around dinnertime, Sylvia’s place is quiet and empty. It’s warm and smells of cooking. Some of the kids are next door attending church services.  Others won’t arrive until the midnight curfew. Kate stands at the kitchen countertop elbow-deep in ground beef.  The kids sometimes help out with the cooking, but the duty mostly falls to Kate and the overnight counselors.  Flour dust coats her green housedress as she prepares the meat and sets it to bake in the oven. Then she scrubs a dozen potatoes and seasons them with salt and pepper.  

Meals here are usually simple. The kids are always hungry, and they’ll eat pretty much anything. Sometimes, Kate treats them to her special pot roast. One of the counselors, Frederick, is rumored to cook the best homemade macaroni and cheese in town. Even the gaunt, wiry Alicia, a transgender resident, says she’s put on 10 pounds by eating Frederick’s food. Usually, though, dinner comes courtesy of the food bank, and that means meat and potatoes.

A kid comes knocking at the gated entrance, begging to be let in. “It’s not opening time yet, Ron. You know that,” Kate reprimands. Ron says he’ll clean and do chores if she’ll let him in. It’s cold outside. Finally, Kate relents. “Oh, alright.  I don’t believe you, but alright,” she grumbles, unlocking the gate. Ron, a kid with bleached hair and tattoos, bounds inside like an overeager puppy, his wallet chains jingling loudly. He sits down next to the table where food is laid out for the weekly church social and starts picking at the Saran Wrap. “I’m just fixing it!” he explains when Kate tells him not to touch. But he stays there, staring at the food, as she washes the dishes.

Kate sees lots of turnover, but lots of kids end up coming back to Sylvia’s. Many youth create their own little families on the streets or in the shelters after being kicked out of their homes. “There is a huge amount of resilience among these kids, but they do end up adopting a homeless mentality,” says Kate. “All of their friends are homeless; their identity becomes homeless. They end up being lonely when they get housing.”

An hour later, church is out and the shelter is filled with people. They stand around socializing, holding plastic plates full of grapes and sponge cake and leaning against the file cabinets labeled with names where the kids keep their clothes and any belongings.

In a few hours, this space will be filled with metal cots, the blare of a large television, and kids passed out under piles of blankets, trying to sleep away the day. In the midst of the festivities, a quiet teenager in a too-large coat comes knocking at the door. Someone lets him in and finds Kate, who takes him aside and starts writing down his information. The shelter’s ten beds are full, but he doesn’t have anywhere else to go.

Teenagers like the new arrival gravitate towards Kate. They seem to know that she cares. A decade of work in the New York City shelter system has gained her a reputation among queer-identified homeless kids because those who welcome them are so rare. “Rape is pretty common among these kids,” says Kate. “So is post-traumatic stress disorder. There’s also the depression that results from being part of a marginalized community, a sense of limited opportunities. The only visible transgender people right now are either performers or prostitutes.”

For kids like these, Sylvia’s is a haven. Kate watches them move in and out of the iron gate and sees their sadness and pain. “There’s a concept in Judaism, Tikkun Olan,” she explains. “It’s as if there is a glass sphere, a globe, that has been dropped on the floor and shattered into a million pieces. We each pick up little pieces of glass, and slowly put the world back together.”

It’s nearly curfew, and the churchgoers have gone home. Kids lounge on the cots watching television, and Frederick is doing the dishes. Kate sits at a table doing paperwork.

Kimy steps outside for one last cigarette before bedtime. She’s wearing flannel pajama pants and clutching Cubbins. Her hair, wet from the shower, falls in its natural waves against her shoulders. She laughs, recalling a conversation she had earlier this evening with Kate, when they were discussing what it would be like if people had tails. They imagined some people would cut their tail-hair into fashionable styles, some might dye it odd colors, while others might let it grow long and bushy. It was a good moment and those are rare.

Kimy takes a drag on her cigarette and says, “I feel like I’m in a pit right now. I can’t get an I.D. because I can’t get my birth certificate. I can’t get a job.” To make matters worse, as she was walking down the street this afternoon, a man leaned out of his car window and yelled, “Whore!” at her. She tried to ignore him, but it hurt. She called her parents crying a couple of times, but was too proud to take the cash they offered.

It’s time to go in. “I feel stuffed,” Kimy says, putting out her cigarette. “Like someone has sewn me Victorian-style into this body, and I’m wearing a big coat, and I just want to shed it, and I can’t.” Tomorrow she’ll begin again. She’s heard of another modeling agency, one that might be interested in her look. She’s heard they don’t require pictures.

 

 

An update: Kimy finally got her birth certificate. She was hired at Banana Republic, and started interning for a fashion designer on the side. She saved up enough cash for a room in Harlem. But when she kept showing up for work late, she was fired. Unable to make rent, Kimy has started turning tricks again, crashing at Sylvia’s or in the apartments of the men who hire her. She’s trying to save up for a bus ticket to Montreal, where she thinks she might have friends.

 

American dreaming

Jason DeParle aims a critical eye at welfare reform during the Clinton administration.

Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton rode into office with the promise to “end welfare as we know it.” Now, a decade and a half later, the first complete, non-partisan review of his efforts — and those of opposing party leader Newt Gingrich, whose Contract with America offered his own party‘s version of welfare reform — has appeared in Jason DeParle’s American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids, and a Nation’s Drive to End Welfare.

DeParle, a senior writer for The New York Times who reported extensively on welfare in the 1990s, takes readers on a whirlwind tour of the evolution of welfare at the federal level, beginning with President Franklin Roosevelt’s original initiative to provide benefits for poor (and, implicitly, white) widows to care for their children and racing up through the 1980s, when welfare was viewed as a national apology for the abysmal conditions of 1960s housing projects and the social maelstroms they had created. By 1996, when Clinton, himself a lower-income success story, and Gingrich were in power, public approbation for “ending welfare” (a phrase whose genealogy DeParle also traces) was at an all-time high, and Congress sought a solution that would empower states to cleanse their own rolls. While Clinton”s plan emphasized federal job creation as a way to cushion the transition from welfare to work, Gingrich’s placed the burden of planning on individual states to decide how they would reform their own programs.

In the end, the country ended up with an amalgam of the two plans and DeParle’s book follows three different women from Milwaukee who found themselves on the welfare rolls in the early 1990s. The choice of Wisconsin was not accidental; Republican Governor Tommy Thompson, a nearly unknown candidate for public office, emerged in the late 1980s using an anti-welfare platform to end decades of Democratic governance in the state, and was held up by Clinton as a leading light of welfare reform.

Wisconsin was the site of an early skirmish over welfare in the 1990s after a wave of Chicago recipients moved to Milwaukee, where the benefits (under the then-Democratic government) were better and the cost of living was lower. Three of those Chicagoans — Angie, Jewell, and Opal, all cousins — form the meat of DeParle’s narrative, and provide a narrow but useful portrait of the welfare system as it stood when Clinton took office. All of the women came from families who, within the space of a few generations, migrated north from sharecropping farms in the Mississippi Delta. DeParle wisely steers away from comparing the patronage system of Jim Crow farming and the mechanics of the welfare state, emphasizing instead the drive of Angie’s grandmother and her siblings to make a better life on Chicago’s South Side. It is that same spirit that drives Angie, Jewell, and Opal to Milwaukee, where they find a house with a forgetful landlord and, with their welfare checks, settle in with their children — until the state’s W-2 Welfare to Work plan disrupts their comfortable lives.

Or that’s how conservative critics might have pictured it. The most surprising finding of DeParle’s book is that, while the three women continued to draw welfare checks until the state directly cut them off, they were often employed part-time, if not full-time, on the side in order to make up the difference between their check and their family’s needs. When job-oriented counseling started to take the place of classical check calculations, recipients would often omit jobs from state-reported forms — but would continue to work instead of just relying on their benefits. Angie, for example, was enrolled by the state in the employment-search program JOBS (Job Opportunities and Basic Skills), where she diligently recorded businesses she called and job contacts she made, without divulging her temporary nursing work.

In Jewell’s case, only five months passed before the state “found her second job” (thanks to better software), but her enrollment in the JOBS program wouldn’t have provided a stable welfare check for long anyway; the specific classes she was required to take were continually cancelled, making it impossible for her to matriculate into an actual job with this state-mandated training hanging over her head. All three women rejected the “community service jobs” — wageless work designed by Wisconsin administrators to give welfare recipients the impression of working for their benefits as, not surprisingly, a waste of time better spent at a job with take-home pay.

The book’s last third describes the welfare bureaucracy in Milwaukee as it existed in the late 1990s, focusing on the for-profit administrator Maximus, whose financial malfeasance would later make headlines. These private agencies were responsible for the implementation of Wisconsins welfare reforms, for better or (usually) for worse. Maximus represented a triumph of bureaucracy over positive individual change: Opal, for example, was asked about her “employability plan,” not about whether she had a job. Case workers, who were often more adept at paperwork management software than at real-life advice, felt no pressure from the state to cut welfare rolls once they had already fallen some 90 percent, and would frequently cut their clients a check rather than pursue them individually to make sure they were following through on their job search objectives. Ironically, this is just the kind of abuse W-2 was designed to prevent. With five private welfare-implementation organizations in the metro Milwaukee area in the late 1990s, graft and mismanagement of funds were easy to hide even as case workers couldn’t get equipment and training for their clients.

Woven through the women’s stories are those of their boyfriends and husbands, whose instability often contributed to financial insecurity. Angie’s boyfriend was in jail awaiting trial when she moved to Chicago, and Jewell’s drug-dealing boyfriends were unwilling to commit to her except when serving short prison terms. In Opal’s case, her spiraling addiction to crack cocaine was aided and abetted by a sometime boyfriend and dealer. DeParle notes that while almost 75 percent of women leaving the welfare rolls worked at some point in the next year, by the end of the 1990s, only half of lower-income black men were similarly employed. The booming economy may have lifted Angie’s and Jewell’s boats but it left behind the men they loved, creating an ironic commentary on the original intention of welfare.

Yet just getting a job — the effect of “ending welfare as we know it” — didn’t necessarily change these womens lives as people might have expected. Gingrich conservatives who tout marriage as a social stabilizer would be disappointed to discover that of the three women, only Jewell saw getting married as a solution to her financial problems, and continued to manage alone when a nuptial opportunity never arose. And Opal, whose drug problems seemed evident to everyone except her case worker, drifted in and out of jobs, staying just long enough to make a little money and then disappearing on two- or three-day drug binges. Even Angie, a nursing assistant and the longest employed, didn’t see herself as a champion of the W-2 system. She might have seemed like “that American hero, a working-class stiff to proclaimers that welfare reform had worked” — Angie did leave the rolls, after all — but she tells DeParle, “I never think about shit like that! It means I be a broke motherfucker for the rest of my life!”’

DeParle makes it clear that welfare neither solved the women’s problems, nor exacerbated them with its absence. But the margin by which it improved the lives of Angie and Jewell is an important one for policymakers to take note. It’s hard to challenge DeParle’s math when he figures that, because of payroll taxes and food stamps, Angie only made $3,400 more off welfare than on, even though she was earning almost $10,000 more per year. And that measurement didn’t take into account work-related expenses like uniforms and transportation, or the loss of her health insurance (although her children were allowed to stay on Medicaid).

As Barbara Ehrenreich’s Nickel and Dimed exposed, the minimum wage in most states can’t realistically keep a single-income family above the poverty level. As a piece of social engineering, then, the minimum wage can be a great upward mobilizer; as a viable “minimum on which to live” it makes a mockery of women like Angie who, without their GEDs, can’t expect to get a higher-paying job. When Clinton said, “People who work shouldn’t be poor,”’ he made a promise that has yet to be fulfilled by state help.

American Dream is so crammed with history and narrative that DeParle leaves little space to offer a full prescription for remedying what welfare reform has wrought. But the federal and state systems of aid that have “replaced welfare have never lacked for prescribers” — only for a complete description of symptoms. In the end, policy wonks from both sides of the aisle should find in DeParle’s reportage lessons which may be applied to any aid implementation, from how to quell the furor over the new Medicare prescription plans to the joint federal and state efforts it will take to rebuild the Gulf Coast after last year’s hurricane season. “