All posts by In The Fray Contributor

 

Homelessness hits home

The fragility of the American dream.

The intersection of Telegraph Avenue and Bancroft Way on the edge of the campus at the University of California at Berkeley.

At the corner of Telegraph and Bancroft sits a guy, cross-legged, as if he is meditating the countless pedestrians that rush by on their way to the University of California at Berkeley campus. The man has a dirty face, a scraggly beard, and tattered clothes. He is homeless; he needs a good bath, and a nice warm meal.

Yet none of the passersby seems to notice him, even though his life is just as sacred as that of the success-bound college students with their Cal–emblazoned gear and khaki shorts. If you listen carefully, you can hear this man utter a greeting and a “God bless you,” at times sounding more heartfelt than the President of the United States during the state of the union address. There may be wars being waged on other political and social fronts throughout the world, but here, there is none against homelessness and poverty.

When I came to this country eleven years ago, I was shocked by the sight of homeless people on the streets. In the Netherlands, few people are homeless, and those you do see lingering in the streets at night are probably homeless by choice. So coming here, I couldn’t help staring at homeless people out of fascination. Why were they living under bridges and in the corners of monumental buildings?

Hanging out outside Crepes-A-Go-Go in Berkeley.

“Look away, don’t make eye contact”

That was the usual advice, since the last thing you want to do is provoke a homeless man. He could be mentally ill, after all. “Don’t mess with homeless people,” was the mantra of indifference rooted in the perception that homeless people were probably there for a reason. So I looked away, and lived out the American dream in a quaint suburban house with an American husband and two blond cherubs, my Dutch-American children. On our trips into the city, I no longer stared at the toothless faces and the grimy hands that extended towards us from below on the sidewalks. I even told my children to look away and ignore the problem.

Homelessness was as far removed from our quiet middle-class lives as the moon is from the sun.

But then, on a glorious suburban day, our polished world caved in during the dot-com crash. Within months, we saw our reserves dwindle. Paying the bills became increasingly difficult. And after two and a half years of unemployment, scraping by on menial jobs and macaroni and cheese, I realized how easy it was to lose everything. Homelessness was not exclusive to the losers, the outcasts and the mentally ill. Homelessness could happen to boring suburbanites who hit a patch of bad karma.

People like us.

Seeing again

We still had a roof over our heads, but the future of our house and our health insurance were the demons that kept us awake. We anticipated the abyss, an abyss I had become all too familiar while helping out in a soup kitchen.

At first I was too busy helping out with the cooking and serving, but as these tasks became more routine, I had time to observe the haunted souls who dropped in. For the first time in years, I did not look away, but stared and registered.

There was a single mother with three children who should have been in school at that hour. They were all coughing, and although they were probably living out of their car or sleeping in a flee-infested shelter, the mother insisted on manners – the manners of a society that had completely abandoned them.

“Johnny, put your hand in front of your mouth when you cough.”

“Ellen, darling, use your napkin.”

“Paul, say ‘thank you.’ Now listen, let’s pray and thank the Lord for this
food.”

The children put their dirty hands over the white paper plates, closed their eyes and surrendered to the tranquil moment ordered by their mother. My eyes wandered off to a boy my son’s age who walked in alone. I filled his plate and asked whether his parents would be coming. He looked at me, both suspicious and afraid. The staff had instructed us not to ask questions.

The boy was silent, so I did not press him for an answer as to why he was there. I was curious though, and bringing a second dessert, I sat down with him and asked him about school.

“Don’t go to school much anymore,” he grumbled. “Both my parents work, but there is little food in the house, and my mother thinks it more important to come here. This is my first hot meal this week.”

At the end of the meal, I looked up as a woman walked in, impeccably dressed in a pearl necklace and high heels – the kind of woman one might expect to see in a bistro downtown. I shot a glance at our staff leader for the day, a Vietnam vet whose stories could fill the pages of a novel, although he never talks about the war. When the woman walked away to find a private corner – some of which carry a urine scent so heavy it made me gag, the staffer told me, “You know, we’re not here to judge. We’re here to feed. God knows where she’s at.”

“Maybe she lost her job and has to pay her parents’ nursing home bills, while also having to provide for her own family,” he added. “Judging is easy, feeding is a whole lot harder.”

As he said this, a man scraped the food off his plate into a plastic bag under his table and returned to fill up again. That was against the rules, but I didn’t report it, for that would have been a form of judging too. If the bag of food would tide him over for the rest of the day, I didn’t care about rules.

I struck up a conversation with a couple holding a newborn baby in their arms. They lived on the streets, but were remarkably upbeat for people who were raising a baby in the elements.

“We’re okay, really,” said the 19-year-old woman, whose eyes were bloodshot.

“The worst part is that people in the streets don’t look at us anymore,” she said. “They look away as if we’re dirty, or worse, as if we’re air. The baby attracts more attention, but as soon as we catch someone’s eye, they look away again. We might as well be dead.”

An elderly woman thanked us for the meal as she walked out. Her mouth had holes where her teeth should be. Her hair is a tangled web. And her T-shirt proclaims: “Proud to be an American.”

“Interesting T-shirt you’ve got there,” I said, unable to resist in this basement of America’s downtrodden. She caught my irony and said, “Honey, I never bought it. Got it second-hand. Don’t care much for the text, but I like the colors. God bless you.”

A month later my husband landed a job with a software company. We have slowly been able to crawl away from the snake pit of potential homelessness and hunger.

Now, I make eye contact with every homeless person I see.

And if I happen to be carrying food, I give some to the man who’s sitting at the intersection of Bancroft and Telegraph.

He is always grateful and has the grace to acknowledge me. He does so even when I don’t give him anything at all.

He’s just homeless, and still human.

 

Telling tales about India

Beyond poverty and spirituality, a student reveals the hidden side of India.

The Saturday market along the main road through tiny Fatehpur Sikri brings the whole town out in search of clothes, toys, supplies for the home, and more.

On the January night when I flew into Delhi, my ride didn’t show up at the airport. I flagged  down a cabbie who tried to get me as drunk as he was, and who tried to get me to switch accommodations to his choice of hotels. My arrival in Delhi was pretty typical — the stuff of many a travel story set in India. In the end, it wasn’t the nightmare it could have been.

My driver was an eager conversationalist despite his slurred, broken English. After assuring him repeatedly that I did not want a swig of the whiskey he’d received from a German tourist, and that I did not want to go to a different hotel, he went out of his way to find the correct address amidst the narrow lanes of Delhi’s Paharganj neighborhood. We parted cordially outside my hotel, wishing each other a happy new year. The experience typified what I both love and hate about India — the often threatening unfamiliarity and superficial chaos of the place; that friendliness could be either genuine or concocted to take advantage of me, a gullible foreigner; the allure of new sights, sounds, and smells; the joy that is often found once the inconveniences are overcome.

This was my third visit to India. My first trip had been thirteen years earlier, when I visited Chennai with my family. While Mom and Dad handled the travel arrangements, that brief trip whetted my appetite for all things Indian. After growing up in Washington, D.C. and small Wyoming and Iowa towns, it was my very first trip abroad. Without a doubt, it left a lasting impression. My next trip was five years later, as part of a semester-long college Buddhist Studies program. We spent the duration of our stay in the small town of Bodh Gaya in the northeastern state of Bihar. There, I was able to experience India on a deeper level than many travelers are afforded, although I was still granted the security of belonging to a large group of students and professors.

I could tell that this third trip was going to be different. Graduate school had offered two years of intensive reading, writing, and researching. In pursuit of my M.A. in South Asian Studies, I debated and discussed Indian history, contemporary politics, media, religious beliefs, social movements, literature, and cultural practices. After three years of Hindi language classes and dozens of Bollywood movies, I had set off to India as someone who no longer a tourist. I was newly aware of the preconceptions and ignorance I had carried with me on my earlier trips, and I was finally ready to see a new side of India.

I would also be on my own in a country viewed with awe and wariness even by seasoned globetrotters. Prior to my arrival in India, I had been visiting my brother in Vietnam. On a touristy boat ride in Ha Long Bay, a middle-aged American man who had lived for extended periods in the Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam commented, “I’ve always wanted to go to India, but it seems like it would be so hard!” A Canadian couple told me, “We’d like to do some traveling in other places before we go to India.” A twenty-something Australian woman, halfway through a year of solo traveling, said she was impressed that I would be going to India on my own.

Having been there before, however, I felt I knew what to anticipate. I had even half-expected to be stood up at Delhi airport, but I still didn’t like it.

It was a warm winter day in Nawalgarh, Rajasthan. On a narrow side street, a group of boys played marbles. When I was asked to join them, I couldn’t say no.

The unfamiliar and the familiar

Every traveler to India has an “India-is-so-crazy” story (“There were people riding on top of the train!”). Just as many have an “India-is-so-enlightening” story (“Their way of life is so spiritual and real!”). There are numerous “India-is-so-poor” stories (“Begging children followed me for 20 minutes!”), and “Indian-culture-is-so-old” stories (“The temple is the same as it was a 1,000 years ago!”). Learning about India showed me the flaws and limitations of accepted Western understandings of this country. Perhaps it is no different than China, Russia, Brazil, Nigeria or any other country with a complex, vast or long-lived civilization. Even so, India stands apart in my mind.

I imagine our knowledge of India has not changed much since the days of European colonialism. The idea that the country is somehow timeless has created equally timeless stereotypes. India calls to mind images of poverty, exotic wild animals, destructive natural disasters, kings and extravagant palaces, religious fanatics, oppressed women, idyllic rural farm life, the horrifying slums of its megalopolises, and superstitious, uneducated masses trapped by the caste system. The failure of the Western imagination to evolve in this regard has resulted in the all-too-common tendency of travelers and writers to present an India that is exotic and alien. At the same time, it is easy to see why countless negative stereotypes of India persist in the Western mind. After all, stereotypes are inherently simplistic and superficial. In general, these things do characterize most foreigners’ experiences there, mine included.

As I dutifully traveled between the major tourist destinations described in my guidebook — Delhi to Rishikesh to Nainital to Agra to Jaipur — it was difficult to see the deeper aspects of Indian society. Instead, the glaring differences between Indian life and U.S. culture jumped out at me. In India, there were cows and monkeys and piles of garbage on the streets. I was regularly surrounded by noisy crowds unused to the concept of personal space. Shops, cars, trains, temples, and homes often appeared to be in disrepair. Temples and mosques and their openly religious followers were everywhere. Tenacious rickshaw wallahs, shop owners, and begging children confronted me every day.

Even after my previous visits and all my studying, and despite my love for the country, it was hard to feel fully at ease. I was acutely aware that my white face and red cheeks, brown hair, and blue eyes made me stand out in a sea of brown skin and black hair. I knew that I was ridiculously privileged, and that no matter what I did it would be impossible to see “the real India” — that tantalizing myth of the extreme travelogue. Street kids called me tomater, Hindi for tomato. I was cursed out for the United States’ treatment of Cuba. I was forever being overcharged for anything I bought. Sometimes I thought I might be better off ignorant of India’s history, languages, politics, cultural beliefs, and religious practices. My knowledge did not prevent me from enjoying myself, but it did make me realize that seeing India through the filter of stereotypes provides some comfort and assurance about the world, and one’s place in the world, that I was sorely missing.

New ways of seeing

A conversation with an amiable rickshaw driver towards the end of my trip proved to be a wake-up call. I was walking through the fabled Pink City of Jaipur in the northwestern state of Rajasthan, in search of lunch on a sunny and pleasantly warm day. Outside the magnificent City Palace, standing by his black and yellow rickshaw, was a stocky young man wearing a dark green button-down shirt. He watched me approach and we made eye contact.

“Excuse me,” he said in English. “Maybe you can tell me. Why are foreigners always so rude to Indians?”

Now, that was a good question.

I don’t know why I had a hard time answering him. Some foreigners feel like they’re often taken advantage of when they get into conversations with Indians during their travels, that something unpleasant — usually a sacrifice of their time or money — will be required. Did I feel some need to feign ignorance to avoid offending him, or was I thrown by his assumption that all foreigners (myself included) were rude? Before I could stammer an answer, he went on to tell me that one day, in a coffee shop, he had seen a foreign traveler sitting at a table with a thick guidebook. He approached the foreigner and offered his advice about where to go in the city. He was a native of Jaipur, had driven a rickshaw for years, knew all the sights, and was eager to speak with pride about his city. He had no intention to coerce the man into his rickshaw, he told me. It was his day off, after all.

Instead of thanking him for his suggestions, the foreigner flew into a rage. “Leave me the fuck alone!” he shouted at the rickshaw driver. “I don’t need your help! Get away from me!”

The rickshaw driver went on to describe many other occasions when his offers were rudely rebuffed by foreign travelers. “How would that make you feel,” he asked me. As I thought back to the times I had snapped at rickshaw drivers or pushy street vendors, I answered, truthfully, that it made me feel terrible. “Yes, it is terrible,” he agreed, insisting that rejecting a rickshaw ride could be done politely, with a smile and a bit of humanity.

And he was right. I had been consciously taking an even-handed approach with rickshaw wallahs, shop owners, pesky kids. They were all fellow human beings who didn’t deserve to be treated like servants or pets. But this conversation got me thinking seriously about how I appeared through the eyes of these people. I saw them every day. Even if I thought I was treating them respectfully, was I seen as just another bossy, tightfisted, standoffish, white foreigner with pockets full of money?

When I was the one bearing the brunt of a negative stereotype, it became easy to see the folly in thinking in terms of over-generalizations, no matter how convenient it might seem. People, and certainly entire countries, cannot be explained in such simplistic terms.

Everyday life in everyday stories

Now that I’ve returned home, I’ve changed the way I view and understand India, as well as the way I talk about it. I am much more conscious that the experiences I’ve had are minute tiles in a vast and ever-changing mosaic — that India is more than my shallow experience there. I make an effort to address the inevitable questions about its poverty, the caste system, and Hinduism, while also telling them something new about India that they’ve probably never heard before. Instead, I tell them something that is more familiar to their American lives. During my visit, I sat in a coffee shop in Lucknow with a crowd of locals watching India-Pakistan cricket matches — the biggest sports event in the country, and the equivalent of Superbowl Sunday in the States. I talk about going to the movies at Jaipur’s Raj Mandir Cinema, packed with locals for the opening weekend of the latest Bollywood hit Rang de Basanti. I relate how I spent many a morning in parks and restaurants reading the newspaper alongside Indian men, discussing the latest political news or sports scores. I talk about staying in a small town in the deserts of Rajasthan with a welcoming family whose 10-year-old son taught me to fly the small paper kites I saw over towns all across northern India. I reminisce about sitting around evening fires all along my journey, late into the cold night, discussing religion, friendship, marriage, family, and the mundane aspects of everyday life.

Such familiar activities are part of many travelers’ experiences, but they seem to fall through the cracks in favor of wowing friends and family with stories of wild adventures and foreign drama. Their stories further the myth that life abroad is utterly alien. Instead, the tall tales I tell are about how normal India can be.

 

Shattered Glass

Will the real Ira Glass please stand up?

Ira Glass at Wordstock. (April Cottini)

Last night I went to a church in downtown Portland, Oregon and watched a radio show.

It was the last day of Wordstock, the city’s annual literary festival, and the closing event was billed as “An Evening with Ira Glass.” Glass, the 47-year-old creator and host of the perennially popular National Public Radio show This American Life, sat at a table behind a mixing board and microphone and proceeded to give a performance blending radio snippets, iPod instrumentals, and disarmingly personal patter.

“Okay, so this is probably more than you want to know about me, but I have operated an ATM while on LSD,” he confessed.

Glass, who told the audience that he began his radio career at 19 as an editor at NPR, specializes in mixing things up. He strode onto the stage sporting a sleek, gray suit and pale yellow tie, the very image of the smooth broadcast professional. But once he was seated behind the table, his thick dark hair and trademark Buddy Holly glasses took over — the visible signs of the proud geek that he is. He dispensed facts and stories with charm and aplomb, reminding listeners, “We’re on 500 public-radio stations, with an audience of 1.7 million,” more than once, and cueing music to enhance his own improvisatory chatter. But he littered his rapid speech with more “likes,” “you knows,” and “I dunnos” than a teenager.

He was entertaining a crammed church with the zeal of P.T. Barnum while confessing to that same audience as if it were a composite confidante, a Dear Abby sitting in the dark on the other side of the microphone. For most of us, listening to the radio is a solitary activity — we listen in the car, in the shower, in the bedroom — and while Glass is a regular on the lecture circuit, he understands the oddity of actually seeing a radio personality.

“When I was an editor at NPR, I’d spend all day editing interviews in a room the size of this table,” he told us, his lips moving but his voice emanating from the two tall speakers framing him on the stage. “And then, when I actually met one of the interviewers, like Bob Edwards, I couldn’t believe that the voice coming out of their mouth was the same one I listened to all day in the editing room. It was uncanny.”

Except Glass didn’t say it this way; what he actually said was something like, “It was, like, totally uncanny.”

Like his episodic radio show, Glass moved sporadically from topic to topic, beginning the evening with a radio clip about Jesus and Martin Luther King, Jr., before launching into a series of jokes and manifestos, tossed together like a salad.

His audience, a congregation of the converted, applauded both his humor and his opinions. They giggled at the increasing intolerance of the Federal Communications Commission (“Yes, Ira, it’s okay to run the piece about the hippopotamus with a leech up his ass.”) and cheered This American Life’s increasingly political slant, with episodes about prisoners in Guantánamo, sailors in the Middle East, and victims of Hurricane Katrina.

As befits the producer of a radio show that gained a following for its quirky, heartfelt stories about ordinary people, Glass asked journalists to stop falling prey to seriousness and start looking for “the surprise, the joy, the humor in life.” He blamed this epidemic of seriousness on the tyranny of the topic sentence, and then winsomely admitted that his demand for the abolition of the topic sentence was itself a topic sentence.

Glass also talked about how he compulsively analyzes television story lines, citing such popular shows as The Sopranos, Gilmore Girls, and South Park.  The recognition goes both ways. Glass re-enacted his own shock at hearing his show mentioned on Fox’s drama The O.C. by leaping from his chair. Then he played the TV audio: “Is that that show where those hipster know-it-alls talk about how fascinating ordinary people are? God.”

“I couldn’t ask for a greater compliment,” Glass beamed.

People love Ira Glass. He’s intelligent, funny and sexy in a nerdy way. And he demonstrates his trust for his audience by confiding in them and assuming they’re just as offbeat and witty as he is. Most public personalities guard their privacy with the ferocity of Dobermans. But Glass embraces his fans even from behind a mixing board.

During several of his serious interludes, Glass explicated the story structure used on This American Life. “It’s easy, it’s simple, and it works,” he said. “First you have an action, which leads to another action, and another action, and then you step back and have a thought about it.” His exposition turned into a lovely reminiscence about his childhood rabbi and a spiel about how rabbis and Glass really have the same job.

“You know a rabbi, or a minister or a preacher or a priest, is really good when the kids stay to hear the sermon,” Glass explained. His rabbi told stories from the Old Testament and then explained them in a way Glass found irresistible. “I’d be sitting there, thinking, ‘You know, this is pretty cool. You get to say your piece once a week and then people go out thinking about what you’ve said. That’s a cool job. That’d be nice.’”

But it was hard to tell how much Glass had really listened to his own lecture. He was precise about the story structure of This American Life, but his rabbi anecdote was a little fuzzy, with asides about his parents and a trip home to Baltimore that distracted from the original inspirational story of the rabbi. He mocked his own speech habits, saying that this is what he sounds like without the benefit of editing.

His entire talk — performance? ad-lib? — seemed both rehearsed and improvised at the same time. On tour to promote his show (and its upcoming television version on Showtime), Glass understandably recycles many of the same anecdotes. But does he also recycle the charming confusion he displays on stage? He’s a performer begging journalists to stop performing and start being natural. That’s impossible. Despite the intimate trust he’s built with his audience over years of radio shows, Glass will never be anything but a performer. It’s like, you know, totally unnatural to ask otherwise. But perhaps that’s the secret of his success.

 

Journal of a Marathoner for Peace

“Cour-age! Cour-age!”

Shortly before eight o’clock in the morning, marathoners get ready for the start of the race. (Elizabeth Yuan)

“Hot and hilly. And amazing.” When people ask, that’s how I sum up the International  Peace Marathon of Kigali that I ran on May 14, 2006.

When Liz’s alarm went off, I groaned and slowly sat up. “How ya feelin’?” Liz asked.  “Completely exhausted and depleted,” I answered. I had been sick with stomach problems the day before and wasn’t sure if I was going to be able to run the race. I took some Cipro, tried to rest and rehydrate, but I still wasn’t feeling well.

Two of our Rwandese friends, Robert and Banga, met us and our two American friends, Hunter and Alice, and we all six piled into the car for Amahoro Stadium, where the race would begin and end. I had just finished a small bottle of Gatorade and was clutching another bottle of water and an energy bar. Robert was behind the wheel wearing his cool white rasta cap, and his car was booming to hip-hop music, which immediately gave me a mental lift.

The idea behind the marathon is peace, and it was the brainchild of a Luxembourg woman, Bettina Scholl-Sabbatini, who has been to Rwanda nearly 20 times and loved it. Her group, Soroptimist International of Europe, undertakes projects geared towards women in developing countries, and the marathon was conceived under a program called “Women Building Peace.” The inaugural race last year was so successful that organizers wanted to make this event an annual one.

At the starting line, Liz and I met a few of the other foreigners, among them Simone Kayser, winner of the Marathon des Sables, the weeklong 155-mile (250 kilometer) ultra marathon across the Moroccan Sahara. Most of the runners around us were Africans, mainly Rwandese.

I lined up at the back of the pack. The race began and the overall pace was F-A-S-T. I was the last one out of the stadium, and I had to remind myself for the first few kilometers not to worry about trying to keep up.

The fastest of the half-marathoners, many of them running in bare feet, stampede past the rest of the crowd about a half-mile into the race. (Elizabeth Yuan)

About five minutes later, the half-marathon started. The runners approaching from behind sounded like they were part of a stampede. I glanced over my shoulder and then quickly faced forward. They were upon me. Arms brushed mine as legs flew by, jarring me slightly out of rhythm. For a moment, I really thought I’d get trampled.

The equatorial sun beat down hard. By 8:30 a.m., it was already 70 degrees Fahrenheit (21 degrees Celsius) and very humid. I love heat!  But running 26.2 miles (42 kilometers) in that temperature with the sun bathing my head for at least the first half was taxing. Runners soon poured water on their heads and in their mouths and then back on their heads. I did the same.

Sometimes I was carrying two water bottles at once. Whenever that happened, I soon lost one to a thirsty runner along the route. “Give me water,” the runner would plea, with an outstretched hand and a rapid pace.

Melanie Wallentine, in white shirt and white cap, runs several yards past a sign indicating hills. (Elizabeth Yuan)

Rwanda is known as the “land of a thousand hills.” I’d say there are 10,000. Before I left Utah, a friend said, “I imagine you’ll hit at least 30 of them in the marathon!” I don’t know how many there were, but it was hilly!

And it was a four-lap course. So, by the third lap, I had those hills memorized. And, I knew I still had one more lap.

Early on, cheers from the side of the road sounded initially to me like, “C-rash! C-rash!”  And they seemed to contradict the kindness and gentleness I had experienced up until then in Rwanda. I was stunned. But, after about the 20th time, I realized the spectators and runners were shouting, “Cour-age! Cour-age!” and were offering full support.

Also early on, several young runners, primarily half-marathoners, grabbed my hand, shouting, “Quickly, quickly,” and pulled me along at their pace. I actually felt lighter, as if they were carrying a part of me. I don’t remember the last time I ran that fast in a long distance race. (Ok, never.) But, for a few minutes, I did feel like a deer prancing along in the woods. Still, even the lightness couldn’t counteract the reality that my breath was becoming labored. After a few minutes, I patted the person on the back, said, “Thank you,” and dropped back to my pace. But the gesture of support was endearing.

A few kilometers later, a young girl in pink began running with me at my pace. Her name was Lucy, and she was 15 or 16. We ran side by side for many kilometers. We talked a little, and I thoroughly enjoyed her company. At one point, someone in the crowd playfully taunted her, yelling in Kinyarwanda, “Hey, that white person is beating you! Hurry up!” Later, she seemed to get dizzy or disoriented. She muttered, “I’m … tired.” I handed her one of my gels and said, “Take this.”  It seemed to help, and I was happy I brought extras.

Melanie gives fellow marathoner Gaspard Nsengamungu, a native Rwandan, a little sponge help over the head. (Alice Hou)

Then out of nowhere appeared two or three of Lucy’s friends who were also running the half, or the “semi,” as they called it. They scrambled around me, so that I was in the middle, and we all ran together for a while, elbow to elbow. Another priceless experience.

There were constant shouts of “Umuzungu!” which means, “White person!” in Kinyarwanda. One time I turned to one of the shouters, pointed to myself, nodded my head and acknowledged, “Yes, Umuzungu …” That drew a few chuckles.

As I was completing the half, the stadium crowd began to roar. They could NOT be cheering for me, I thought. And then, the epiphany occurred. The first place marathoner must be right behind me. I looked back to see a Kenyan plowing towards me. I scurried across the finish line, so that I wouldn’t get run over. Yup, a Kenyan had won — and I still had two laps to go.

In my first three marathons, I still felt good when I reached the halfway point. In this marathon, I felt awful and wanted the race to be done. The third lap was mentally and physically the toughest. I was running out of gas and beginning to feel a bit nauseous. I told myself I wouldn’t quit unless it was medically necessary, so I’d better work on a strategy. “Carbs, water, and keep moving” became my mantra. I pulled out my SHOT BLOKS that my friend Edwin had given me before I left, and said, “Ok, these had better work.” Soon the nausea went away.

I was still tired but feeling a little more functional. I also thought of everyone who had supported me during my training. And I sent a silent Mother’s Day wish to Mom and Grandma. I thought of my late brother, Victor, and felt him near. And I thought of the people of Rwanda and knew they’d been through so much more pain than I could ever feel on a marathon.

Somewhere in that second half, a Rwandese guy started running with me. We ran side by side for much of the second half. I’m not sure which was more limited, his English or my Kinyarwanda, but it didn’t matter. We communicated just fine. When his energy reserves began to deplete, I shared my SHOT BLOKS with him, and we kept going. With about 7 or 8 kilometers (4 to 5 miles) to go, he began to hang back, but I kept my pace.

Melanie and the girl who joined her in the final kilometers of the marathon head down the homestretch toward the finish line in Amahoro Stadium. (Hunter Pape)

Just as I was feeling my own energy deplete with about 5 kilometers (3 miles) to go, a smiling little girl in sandals and a multi-colored dress started running with me from the side of the road. I thought she would just run a few steps, laugh, and then go back home. But, she kept running – and – running – and – running – and – running. Arms swinging hard, she took two to three steps for every one of mine. But she kept up with my pace. I looked down. She looked up. I smiled. She smiled. We ran.

We glanced at each other from time to time, and I was spurred on by her determination and enthusiasm — and her luminous smile.

As we entered the stadium, I took her hand, and we ran the final lap around the stadium. Some cheers rang out from the few remaining in the crowd. After we crossed the finish line, I picked her up and swung her around. She wasn’t out of breath at all. I gave her my last SHOT BLOK and some water. Through a friend, I asked the girl’s name and age and “Is your family worried about you?”

With stoic confidence and poise, the seven-year-old responded, “No. I told them where I was going.”

Out of 253 people, 96 finished. I came in at around 5:08 with a small handful of people behind me. Trust me, I was just happy to finish. It was my most difficult marathon so far.

What a thrill to run a marathon in Rwanda! I would encourage any runner who truly wants an exhilarating running experience to run a marathon with Africans — in Africa.  There’s nothing like it.

Melanie’s roommate was InTheFray Contributing Editor Elizabeth Yuan, who was among the majority of runners who did not finish the race.

 

The long road from Gaza

A Palestinian musician finds that playing with Israelis leads across more than one border.

 

Zaher parks his 2001 Chevy stick-shift on Main Street in Paterson, New Jersey.

“When I go to Paterson, I feel like I’m in Gaza,” he says happily.

On Main St., where at least half the shops and restaurants are Arab-owned, he makes his way into Nouri’s Brothers, an enormous Middle Eastern general store selling everything from fresh olives to halal marshmallows, gold jewelry to backgammon sets, Arabic and Turkish pop music to electronics.

But what Zaher, a slim, unassuming Palestinian from the Gaza Strip, has come to look at are a couple of ouds — Middle Eastern lutes — hanging from the ceiling.  He runs his fingers along the deep bowl of one and then lightly touches its strings.

“This is good for a beginner,” he says, explaining that the strings are a little too close to the fingerboard for his taste.  He might have to go into New York City to find what he’s looking for, he adds.

Buying another oud — he owns two already — is no small undertaking for Zaher.  If it weren’t for his ability to play the oud, he probably never would have come to the United States or obtained political asylum here.  (To protect family members still in Gaza, Zaher asked that his last name not be used in this article.)

 

 

Ancient music made new

Once upon a time, back when he lived in Gaza, before the second intifada started in 2000, Zaher played the oud in a joint Palestinian-Israeli band based in Tel Aviv.  The band was called “White Flag,” a name that represented its members’ hope for a cessation of violence on both sides and a peaceful solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Now, more than half a decade later, Zaher lives in Clifton, New Jersey (one town over from Paterson), works at a Domino’s Pizza, and waits for the day this fall when he is eligible to apply for a green card.  He borrows books on Renaissance painting and CDs ranging from classical music to Celine Dion from the public library and dreams of getting a master’s degree in the U.S.

“I was lucky,” he says about coming to the U.S. and getting asylum.

Indeed, Zaher’s experience is very uncommon:  it is hard for Palestinians, especially those from Gaza, to travel abroad, and few Palestinians are granted asylum in the U.S.  But it’s also a testament to Zaher’s innately upbeat personality that he feels lucky in spite of the difficulties he’s faced, like threats from Hamas and a three-month stint in an immigrant detention center in New Jersey.

Zaher’s dark hair and eyes frame a face that seems older than his 29 years.  He dresses nicely, never sloppily:  tan pants, tan leather dress shoes, button-down shirt, black leather jacket.  But when he goes into work at Domino’s, he becomes just another guy in a red Domino’s shirt and a white cap.  At first meeting he is serious, but he soon reveals himself to be someone who likes to laugh.

“He is quiet, and he doesn’t make a problem, and when you ask him to do something he does it.  And he’s smart,” said his sister, Abeer Haj Ahmmed, who immigrated to the U.S. seven years ago and also lives in Clifton.

None of these qualities seem surprising in someone who taught himself to play the oud while growing up in a refugee camp, Deir al Balah, in the Gaza Strip.  The oud, a popular Middle Eastern instrument that is the origin of the Western-style lute, is difficult to learn.  “In all the Arab world, there are maybe a maximum of 10 people really playing the oud,” Zaher says.  Arguably the most well-known oud player in the West is Simon Shaheen, an Israeli-born Palestinian who lives in New York and incorporates non-traditional musical styles such as jazz into his work.

“We didn’t study music in the schools.  We didn’t know anything about music,” Zaher recalls.  Nevertheless, while in high school and later while studying special education at the College of Rehabilitation Studies run by the Palestine Red Crescent Society in Gaza, he taught himself the oud from books and by watching other musicians; later, he also learned to play the violin.

Eventually, Zaher joined a traditional Arabic music ensemble in Gaza called “Orient Strings,” composed of about 15 musicians playing Middle Eastern instruments like the oud, qanun (zither), ney (flute), and darbuka (drum), as well as violins and a cello.  The group performed classical Arabic music —  some of it as old as the muwashahat, a body of songs that originated during the period of Muslim rule in Spain — as well as more contemporary music by Arab divas like Umm Kulthum and Fairuz.

 

 

Making music across borders

In 1998, Zaher went to Tel Aviv for the first time with his friend Shadi and another musician, a trip that would change his life.  There, they performed in a fundraiser for Windows, an organization that promotes relations between Palestinians and Israelis and with which Shadi was already connected.

That era, after the 1993 Oslo Accords but before the second intifada began in 2000, was a time of greater optimism than today.  “The relation between the Palestinians and the Israelis was great:  a lot of people coming and going; there is no war, no intifada, no nothing,” Zaher recalls.  “We made this concert and it was very nice; there were also some Israeli musicians.  There was one [Israeli] guy, Mark.  He told us, ‘How about if we make a band?’  [We said,] ‘A great idea, but how?  We cannot come here; it’s difficult.’”

Since 1991, the Israeli policy of “closure” has restricted to varying degrees the entry of Palestinian residents of Gaza and the West Bank into Israel.

According to Ilana Feldman, a professor in Near Eastern Studies at New York University who has done anthropological fieldwork in Gaza, “The first closure policy happened during the Gulf War but it wasn’t made permanent … till Oslo.  No Palestinian can cross the Green Line without a permit … Most of the permits were given to people who worked in Israel.”

Zaher’s father worked as an electrician in Israel until 1991, when it became too difficult for him to get to work; he then opened a grocery store below the family’s house in Gaza.

For males under 35, who are seen as a potential security threat, it is particularly difficult to obtain permits to enter Israel, which meant that Zaher and his musician friends were at a disadvantage.  However, with help from Windows, they were able to obtain permits that allowed them to travel back and forth for rehearsals and performances.

“You cannot play again with this band”

Zaher and the other Palestinian and Israeli musicians formed a band, and Zaher himself came up with the name White Flag.  He chose it, he said, because it symbolized a truce.  “The white flag means between two sides, two parts of a problem, between Palestinians and Israelis, [if] they want to stop this war, they have to take a white flag.  Both sides.”

The band performed songs in Hebrew, Arabic, and English, and drew from a range of musical styles and traditions.  “We call it street fusion, because we cannot find a name for this music,” Zaher says.  “We want to make music from the heart.”

But the dream came to an abrupt end when the second intifada began in September 2000 — literally during the Bereshit festival, in which the band was to play.

“That day was the last day in Tel Aviv,” Zaher recalls.  “The intifada started when we were in the festival.  We heard by the news, there are problems in Gaza and there are like twenty people killed.  Now, we didn’t play yet, but we heard about this news.  How’re we going to play?  And we sat together, all the band — the Palestinians and the Israelis — and we said, what are we going to do?  We said, we want to play.  Because we make music, and we play for this problem.  Maybe we’ll fix something.”

Zaher says the audience, most of whom had not previously heard of White Flag, reacted positively to their music and their message.  “The people were dancing,” he remembers.

But after the concert, Zaher returned to Gaza and the political realities of the intifada changed everything.  Because the Bereshit festival had been shown on TV, Zaher’s peace advocacy through White Flag had become known in his community and he was seen as a “collaborator” with the Israelis.

A member of Hamas, the militant Islamist Palestinian movement, came into his family’s store one day while he was working.  “They give me a letter,” Zaher says.  “They told me you cannot play again with this band”— or else his life would be in danger.

Members of Fatah, the more moderate political party that was then running the Palestinian Authority, also paid him visits.  They came “as friends,” he says, but their message was similar.  “They told me, it is better for you if you leave [White Flag].  It’s dangerous for you.”  Zaher says he felt his life to be in danger after the threats and stopped being openly involved with White Flag — which, due to the intifada, which made travel impossible, had effectively been put on hold anyway.  But he and the other members of the band kept in touch by phone.

Zaher had reason to fear what might happen to him.  Shadi, his friend who became White Flag’s keyboard player, had also been threatened and then, after the Bereshit festival, imprisoned by the Palestinian Authority.  “They think he is a collaborator, but they have to make some proofs.  They kept him in jail for like a month,” recalls Zaher.  Shadi was eventually released when the P.A. couldn’t prove his culpability, and he escaped to Switzerland, where he lives today.

Nearly five years later, when Zaher applied for asylum in the U.S., his case rested largely on the threats he had received from Hamas and Fatah and on a “credible fear” of further persecution if he returned to Gaza.

As his lawyer, Thomas Mungoven, explains, “It was a textbook collaborator case…[T]here’s a pattern and practice of persecution of collaborators in Gaza.  Collaborators are regularly killed … by Hamas.”

The future is here

Zaher is glad to be in the U.S. now, and not just because he has escaped further political persecution in Gaza.  “There is no future there,” he says.

His sister Abeer is also delighted to have him here.  “I have seven brothers.  But I love Zaher so much,” she says.  “I’m so happy, I’m so glad.  Because no one from my family [was] here.”

In fact, Abeer is the reason that Zaher came to the U.S. in the first place.  In 1998, Abeer got married and joined her husband — a Palestinian who had originally come to the U.S. to study — in New Jersey.  In 2004, she sent an official invitation for Zaher and their mother to visit her and her family.  But getting into Israel to go to the American Embassy in Tel Aviv was still difficult.  With help from the director of Windows, Rutie Atsmon, Zaher was able to obtain an entry permit.

When they got to the Embassy, Zaher recalls, “I don’t imagine [that] they’re going to give me a visa.  It’s not easy.”  But in the interview with the U.S. Consul, he talked about his involvement with White Flag, and the Consul was impressed.

“And she gives us a visa!” he says, laughing wholeheartedly, as if still surprised about it.  “You know, I’m sure, if you check the last ten years, there is nobody [who got] a visa from Gaza — just me I think.”

Zaher is not the only Gazan to have gotten a U.S. visa in the last decade, but anecdotal evidence suggests that there have not been many.  Feldman says this is in large part because “it was much harder, after Oslo, for Palestinians to get out of Gaza,” which is completely fenced in, than the West Bank, which, until the last few years, had a more porous boundary with Israel.

According to Karen Pennington, a lawyer based in Dallas who has represented a number of Palestinian asylum-seekers, “Tracking any numbers on Palestinians is very difficult in the U.S. immigration service.  Because if they were born in the Occupied Territories after 1967, they’re listed as Israelis.  If they have any other citizenship, they’re listed that way, not as Palestinians.”  But Pennington agrees that few Gazans make it to the U.S.  “I only represent a handful of people from Gaza.  Almost everyone I represent is from the West Bank or diaspora Palestinians.”

Nonetheless, for Zaher, getting the visa proved to be the easy part, compared to leaving Gaza.  Flying out of Gaza is impossible, both because Israel does not allow it and because it destroyed the Gaza airport’s runway in 2001; therefore, Gazans traveling internationally must fly out of neighboring Egypt.  But at the time, the Gaza-Egypt border crossing at Rafah was closed for three weeks.  Zaher’s mother had by then decided not to go to the U.S. because her daughter-in-law in Gaza had just had a baby.  But Zaher was determined to go.

Laughing at the absurdity of it, he describes the situation:  “Every week I go two, three times, and take my luggage, and I say [bye] to my family and I go [to the border] and I come back.”

It ended up taking him a couple months, and at least half a dozen attempts, before he could leave.  The border was finally opened but, at first, only for women; then, men older than 35 were allowed to cross.  Finally, younger men were allowed to leave, but only if they applied in advance for approval and waited for the Palestinian Authority to announce their names over the radio.

“They told us, who[ever] hears his name on the radio, he can come next day to the border.  And all the day, you’re hearing news.  And when I hear my name — check!” he says, laughing.

Once past the border and into Egypt, the waiting continued.  “When I entered [Egypt] it was Friday, but my ticket was [for] Monday.  I had to stay three days in Egypt.”

Zaher had been to Egypt once before, in the mid-1990s, also for three days.  In those years, it had been easier for Palestinians to obtain visas for Egypt, and Zaher and a friend from his college took a pleasure trip.  From the border with Gaza they took a half-day bus ride to Cairo, where, among other things, they each bought an oud, of higher quality than any they could get in Gaza.

But this time, “Because I don’t have an Egyptian visa, I could not travel in Egypt,” he explains.  “I had to be in the airport for three days.  In one big room, there were like 50 people waiting;” they slept on mattresses.  “Also it was Ramadan, and we were fasting.”

In late 2004, Zaher finally made it to the U.S., where he stayed with his sister and her family.  He wanted to study in the U.S. but learned he could not do so because he had a visitor’s visa.  “I was really trying to enter school but it was very difficult, because I don’t have a student visa.  They told me you have to go to your country to get a student visa, and you come back … Impossible!  How am I supposed to get this visa?”

So Zaher began to familiarize himself with life in the U.S. while trying to figure out what to do next.

“Exile” and return

In 2005, with help from a Swiss television company that had begun a documentary about White Flag before the intifada, the band was invited by the city of Lucerne to do a summer-long residency.  The Swiss Consulate initially told Zaher he would have to go back to his home country to get a visa but, thanks to a letter on his behalf from the mayor of Lucerne, Zaher obtained a three-month visa to travel to Switzerland.  There, the band members were reunited for the first time in almost five years.  They performed in two festivals and recorded their first album, “Exile.”

After the summer in Switzerland, Zaher decided to return to the U.S.  “I thought to myself, okay, I have a visa to go to United States; it is multiple entrance.  By the law I don’t make any mistake,” he says.

But U.S. Immigration detained him at JFK airport, threatening to send him back to Gaza.  As later became clear, Zaher had, unaware, been registered under the Department of Homeland Security’s “Special Registration” program when he had first arrived in the U.S.  Registered individuals are required to inform DHS when they leave the country but, not knowing that he had been registered, he had not done that.

According to Mungoven, Zaher should never have been registered, because Palestinians are not on the list of nationalities subject to registration.  “It was total racial profiling,” says Mungoven.  Furthermore, “they lied about it when I called up … They said he was from Jordan.”

Zaher, who knew nothing about the special registration program or its requirements, was confused, though not exactly surprised, by what happened.  “I was feeling … something’s going to happen … I think, from 9/11, [for] all the Arab people, if they read your name — Zaher, Muhammad, Abdallah, Musharraf, these names — I think they put like a red sign.  I don’t know.”

Fearing further threats from Hamas and Fatah if he returned to Gaza — especially given that White Flag’s performances in Switzerland had been publicized back in Israel and Palestine — he decided to apply for asylum in the U.S.  “Because I don’t want to go back to my country,” he says.  “A lot of problems.  I don’t want to live there.  This is no life.”

Zaher spent the next three months in the Elizabeth Detention Facility, in Elizabeth, N.J., with other immigrants and asylum seekers, waiting for his asylum case to be heard.  The detention conditions were tolerable, he says.  “If you make problems, maybe it’s going to be bad.  And there’s rules you have to follow … but I don’t remember anything bad.  They have good food,” he says. On Ramadan, he and other Muslim detainees were even able to fast and have their meals brought when they wanted them.

But even though detention wasn’t miserable, it was still a difficult experience for Zaher.  “I was in shock.  Because there is no life there.  You just sleep, wake up, sleep, wake up.  I was dreaming to get my oud there,” he says.  (He had one oud with the luggage he had brought to Switzerland; the other — the one he bought in Cairo — is back in Gaza.)  “I requested, but they said no.”

Abeer went with her children to visit Zaher in Elizabeth, but it was a hard experience for all of them.  “I’m sad when I see him like this.  It’s not easy when you see your brother in jail,” she says.  “I went just two times.”  After that, “he said, ‘Don’t come.’  Maybe because I cry when I see him.”

Through case workers and fellow detainees, Zaher got in touch with Mungoven, who works at Catholic Charities of the Archdiocese of Newark on pro bono immigrant detention cases.  The asylum process was as complicated as every other stage of coming to the U.S. had been.

Asylum

“When I applied for asylum, they said, ‘no asylum,’” Zaher says, speaking of the U.S. authorities.

Pennington, the Dallas lawyer, says it has become “extremely” difficult for Palestinians to get asylum in the U.S. Of “20 to 25 or perhaps more” Palestinian asylum cases she’s taken on since September 11, 2001, “about seven were granted,” she says. And while there are significant numbers of Palestinians applying for asylum because of persecution by Israelis, U.S. judges have been showing less willingness to grant those cases than collaborator cases.

For example, Pennington describes the recent case of a banker from Ramallah who was detained and fired on by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) on several occasions. “I demonstrated in that case that the behavior of the IDF violated the written regulations for live-fire.  And [the court] still found that it was state policy,” she says. “The judge said it didn’t have anything to do with American foreign policy, but …” Pennington, for one, believes otherwise.

Even though Zaher’s case was a “collaborator” case and theoretically easier to win, the judge did not grant Zaher asylum at his court hearing in late October 2005. Instead she gave Zaher “withholding of removal.” He would not be sent back to Gaza, but neither would he have asylum, and he would have none of the privileges of a green card. But it was better than nothing.

Zaher returned to the detention facility and prepared to be picked up by Abeer that night. But DHS and ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) had changed their minds, apparently: They now told him that they were going to send him back to Switzerland. (His “withholding of removal” status only prevented him from being sent back to Gaza.)

Zaher called Mungoven, who spoke to the judge, and two days later the case was reopened. Mungoven was furious at what had happened, but so was the judge — who didn’t like DHS trying to undercut her. “It was like fighting between the judge and Immigration,” says Zaher. The judge ended up giving Zaher full political asylum, to his great relief, and he was released from detention.

Since then, Zaher has been working at Domino’s taking phone orders and making pizzas, while continuing to settle in to life in the U.S. and considering his next step.

Abeer seems to know exactly what she wants for her brother: “I hope he goes to college and gets a master’s here. I hope he marries too. He needs a family here,” she said.

As for Zaher? He wants those things too. But first, he’s still looking for another oud.

 

Story-bound

Memories sustain — and muddle — the fight for Palestine in Elias Khoury’s Gate of the Sun.

Arak is a clear, aniseed-flavored liquor consumed throughout the Middle East that drinkers typically dilute with water to create a cloudy white concoction. In Gate of the Sun, the 11th novel by Lebanese novelist and critic Elias Khoury, meals are often accompanied by a glass — or three — of arak, and the author manages the same alchemical transformation with his book, pouring one story into another to create a murky, rambling account of Palestinian villagers living in exile.

Eight years after it appeared in Arabic, Khoury’s tome, in Humphrey Davies’ English translation, is a cavernous monologue of more than 500 pages. Khalil, our narrator, tells the story of the Palestinian people since the Nakba, or “disaster,” as they refer to the founding of the state of Israel, through a disjointed stream of consciousness, waxing philosophic at each twist of his conflicting memories. One moment, he recalls figures of the resistance, big and small, in anecdotal digressions that take the reader through painfully vivid background. In another, he delves into the minutiae of a Palestinian family’s escape to the Lebanese border, citing each village through which they passed. Roughly 80 percent of the Palestinian population left Israel during al-Nakba (though exactly how many were forced to flee and how many left voluntarily remains a sensitive question), and the event has had a profound effect on Palestinian identity, most visibly in the demand for the Right of Return, one of the main tenets of the Hamas platform, and a non-starter in Arab-Israeli negotiations for more than 50 years. The overall effect of Khalil’s meandering yarns is a story more interesting and important for its view onto the Palestinian experience than it is consistently enjoyable to read.

Khalil is a peasant doctor in the Shatila refugee camp outside Beirut, site of a 1982 massacre perpetrated by Lebanese Maronite Christian militias for which Ariel Sharon, among others, was later found indirectly responsible. He has sequestered himself in a dilapidated hospital with his old comrade, Yunes, who lies unconscious and dying. There Khalil reminisces ad infinitum in a one-sided discussion. In his unorthodox medical opinion, storytelling can sustain and even resuscitate Yunes where conventional medicine has failed. It has kept the Palestinian struggle alive, though Khalil points out that the videotape has come to replace the storyteller. “We sit in front of the small screen and see small spots, distorted pictures and close-ups, and from these we invent the country we desire,” he says. “We invent our life through pictures.”

Khalil’s story bounds back and forth over the last 60 years, threading vignettes together in an attempt to capture the Palestinian experience as lived and remembered by the people themselves. He was born in a village in Galilee but grew up in refugee camps in Lebanon. The physical and psychological wounds inflicted by the Nakba feed Khalil much of his material. He populates his narrative with mothers, grandmothers, husbands, sons, and fighters — all attempting to live a life on hold. They cannot return to their homes in Israeli territory, and the Lebanese won’t grant them work permits (a policy guided by the quixotic belief that the Palestinians would soon be able to return home, turning them into permanent refugees).

The tales begin with the death of Umm Hassan, a childless midwife in the Shatila refugee camp. From there it roams through the Palestinian resistance under the British mandate in the 1930s to the forced evacuations of Palestinian villages after the founding of Israel in 1948, to French actors looking for inspiration in their production of Jean Genet’s Quatre heures à Chatila, but always returning to the women in their lives. Khalil is fascinated by the story of Yunes and his wife Nahilah, who met only in secret over the decades of their marriage because he was wanted by the Israelis as a “saboteur.” Again and again, Yunes would sneak to his wife’s village in Israel over the mountainous border from Lebanon. They would meet in Bab al-Shams (Arabic for “Gate of the Sun”) to make love and talk of the resistance. The Israelis, who are trying to capture Yunes, harass Nahilah. She resists in the only way she can, insisting that she is pregnant because she is a whore rather giving up her husband. Khalil retells these stories to the comatose Yunes while contemplating his own tragic affair with a sensuous, iconoclastic woman who murdered her husband but suffered his family’s ultimate revenge.

The power of these stories lies in their mixture of tragic hardships with Khalil’s frank criticism of himself, the Palestinians, and the feeble attempts by Arab armies to repel the onslaught of the Israeli army in 1948. Each is revealed in the spiraling, sometimes confusing patterns of oral storytelling. And in retelling the stories of other refugees Khalil weaves his own life into the patchwork fabric of the Palestinian refugee experience, replete with worn threads, holes, and loose endings.

The literary model for Khoury’s work may be 1,001 Arabian Nights, but whereas Scheherazade told her stories in order to escape her own death at the hands of her listener, Khalil regales Yunes in order to keep him alive. “I’m trying to rouse you with my stories because I’m certain that the soul can, if it wants, wake a sleeping body.” He keeps Yunes alive because he’s not sure what would become of him without his fallen comrade, a hero of the Palestinian resistance. Yunes’ coma gives Khalil an excuse to wallow in a state of suspended animation, of permanent reminiscence. “If you die, what will become of me?” he asks.

To recreate the Palestinian experience in the Galilee and Lebanon — thus far told to the outside world almost entirely by Israeli historians — Khoury purportedly conducted extensive archival research and interviews at the refugee camps outside Beirut. While those same Israeli historians have disputed some of his accounts, Khoury’s narrator admits his claims of atrocities and hardships are unsound. Khalil is retelling second- and third-hand stories that he might not believe in the first place. They aren’t necessarily fictional, but the same story often has multiple variations depending upon the teller. It is in the accumulation of these tales, full of contradictions and half-truths as much as shocking accounts of injustices and injuries, that Khoury/Khalil builds his Palestinian epic. “Like all prisoners, I live on memories. Prison is a storytelling school: Here we can go wherever we want, twist our memory however we please. Right now, I’m playing with your memory and mine.”

Gate of the Sun takes on the individual stories of refugees who cling to hopes of returning to their villages that have become Israeli suburbs. But more enlightening are the issues of memory, identity, truth, and how the storytelling process itself affects all of these issues. The end result is profound and haunting (the description of “sun baths,” a torture tactic used by Israeli soldiers, is horrifying), but it also feels slightly hollow. The reader is left with an impression of little more than a permanent state of suffering among the Palestinians. Lamentation is rarely balanced with stories of humor, of life lived in between the tragedies and the disappointments.

But in his nuanced description of the Arab-Israeli conflict, Khoury is able to escape political rhetoric and touch on the truths so often left out of the headlines. “Palestine was the cities — Haifa, Jaffa, Jerusalem, and Acre. In them we could feel something called Palestine. The villages were like all villages. It was the cities that fell quickly, and we discovered that we didn’t know where we were. The truth is that those who occupied Palestine made us discover the country as we were losing it.”

"b better in the morning" by artist David Choe.

Covergirl

When a beauty ideal meets the real.

 

"b better in the morning" by artist David Choe.
"b better in the morning" by artist David Choe.

I am 11 years old, sitting in my sister’s car. It is my “special day.” She is applying lipstick at a red light with the expertise of someone who now goes to college. The light turns green and she sticks the lipstick tube between her front teeth and reaches to change gears. Trina drives a stick shift. She is strong. I’m going to drive a stick shift.

“Here” she says, and hands me the tube. My heart tap dances. “It’s more orange-red,” she says without looking at me, “you’d be better in blue-red.”

Trina drives with the window down and doesn’t care if her Sun-In blonde hair whips her in the face because she knows she is beautiful. When I am done smearing this wondrous substance across my lips my hands are still shaking. Trina says, “Just throw it in my purse” and I do, slowly, so I can get a good look inside. I see her powder case and study the colors of her eye shadow, imagining them on my almond shaped eyes. I ask her what the plastic pink compact is and she says, “None of your business” and grabs her purse from my hand and tosses it in the back seat. As usual, I’ve pushed my luck.

At the next stoplight the truck in the lane to our left revs its engine. The front seat is packed with high school boys. I know this because they have the same Hilhi Spartan’s decal on their window that my older brother has on his clarinet case. They glance our way – Trina’s way – and call out, “Hey, you,” and I waffle between shrinking and desperately wanting to be seen ‘cause I’m wearing lipstick! Trina laughs with a wide opened mouth, head tossed back, braces finally off, killer laugh, and says, “Hey what?” And I think, BRILLIANT. She always knows just what to say!

The boy leans out the window, his hand resting on the mirror. A hand that looks wide enough to cover the entire surface of my face. I imagine this briefly and think of my lips leaving a fresh mark on the palm of that boy’s hand and my cheeks turn red. But I know he isn’t looking at me. It’s gonna take a lot more than orange-red lipstick.

The light has turned green and I am ready to have my sister back, but she has shifted slightly in their direction, both perfect breasts pointing their way. The radio is playing ROCK and I try desperately to move coolly, inhibited by the seatbelt Trina insists I wear. Her shoulder strap fits ideally between her perfect breasts and makes her t-shirt even tighter. My t-shirt is long and baggy and covers my butt when I stand, and I have pulled my shoulder strap down under my right arm so it won’t rub against my neck (or accentuate the flatlands of my chest). In this moment, with that truckload of boys peeping in, I would give anything to have Trina’s breasts. I sit, trying to be relaxed and tall with my black bangs cutting straight across my forehead, the sweat beginning to form at the hairline. I wish we were moving.

The boys are still trying to get Trina’s number and I want to scream, “HELLO, THIS IS MY SPECIAL DAY! I GET TO DO WHAT I WANT AND I DON’T HAVE TO DO CHORES AND NO ONE CAN TALK IN CODE OR TELL ME TO SCRAM …” but I don’t. Instead I fumble through the cassette tapes shoved in the glove compartment and then I study the floor. There are empty tab cans, sugar free gum wrappers, and a Shape magazine. Trina is healthy. She works out at a gym where the women walk around the locker room naked and the bulky shiny men wear yellow spandex.

Finally we drive. Trina’s car smells of cigarettes and Angelfire, recently sprayed. She tries to hide her smoking habit from me because she knows somewhere deep that I will do whatever she does (and because she isn’t convinced that she is a smoker).

“I think the guy in the middle was checkin’ you out.” she says.

I start giggling manically, “NO WAY!”

“Totally,” she says, ”with that lipstick you look at least 13.”

While I want to believe her, I can tell she is trying to be nice because she starts biting her lip like she does when she’s nervous or LYING or has to sing a solo at church.

We park at the mall and I take crazy long Trina-sized steps to keep up. It makes my calves hurt. But I can’t slow down; can’t let her see that I am struggling. Trina is COOL. And when I am with her, when I can keep up with her, I am COOL.

I haven’t been to the mall since my mom took me bra shopping earlier in the school year and insisted on coming into the fitting room with me. Trina asks me if I want an Orange Julius and I say, “nah, I’m not hungry …” when I’m actually starving but I don’t want to mess up my lipstick.

We run into Fred Meyer’s (which is the kind of place where I can spend a whole summer’s allowance. It’s like, K-Mart meets Payless Shoes meets the Dollar Store). Trina needs nylons. I go with but veer into the make-up aisle scanning the rows of pretty plastic until I see it. Covergirl. YEAH. I am sweating and eager and breathless but cannot find a lipstick called BLUE-RED. BUT I do find the eye shadow that Trina wears and I feel so victorious I actually consider slipping it into my pocket and walking. But I don’t.

In line behind my sister, I hold my breath wondering if she will stop me from making this dangerously adult purchase. The cashier rings me up and I pull out my sparkly pink plastic wallet with the little mirror in the flap and fake rhinestone closure and think, someday I’ll have a red leather purse and matching high heels and credit cards and no bangs. I make eye contact with Trina and she smiles for a half a second and then she is easily distracted by Luke & Laura on the cover of Soap Opera Digest.

My hand is sticky as I hold the bag, and I tell Trina I have to go to the bathroom. “Meet me in the food court. I need caffeine,” she says, and we head off in opposite directions.

I am so close.

Once situated in a stall on the far end away from the door I wipe my hands on my jeans near the spot I have been trying to work into a hole. I get my wallet/mirror and then pull out my first ever Covergirl eye shadow. I peel off the back, careful not to damage the instructions. There is a diagram and I can see that I am just three easy steps away from changing my life FOREVER.

Step one tells me to apply the lightest shade to my entire eyelid. I do this while trying to keep the soft sparkly blue from dusting my black eye brows. Niiiiiiiice. [EXHALE] On to step two. I take the skinniest side of the application wand and the darkest shade and drag it across my lash line. I do one eye and then the next. (And then I go back and forth and back and forth trying to make them look the same! Eh, close enough.)

I am ready for step three. I read. Apply contour shade to the eyelid crease.

I grip the application wand and steady my gaze in the mirror.

I bring the wand to my eye.

And then I freeze.

Only now do I see it.

I have no crease.

No crease in my eyelid for the contour shade.

No place for blending.

No place to create depth.

There is no step three for me.

I will never be beautiful.

Ever. NEVER EVER.

The stall feels crowded, the walls are pressing in and I am dizzy. I slide off the toilet seat onto the cool tiles and lift the lid, resting my chin on the edge. My head could fit in that toilet bowl, I think. I could stuff my head in there … But then I envision Trina, having finished her diet soda (and maybe small fries if she plans on going to the gym tonight) LOOKING for me, making her way toward the ladies room, FINDING ME, face down … I wipe off step one and two and hurry to the food court. I can’t tell if Trina is checking me for signs of her eye shadow because I am careful not to look at her.

We start walking back toward the exit, and Trina catches her breath and says, “Wow, check him out, he’s from the gym.” She exhales, and I see the red rise in her cheeks, and she starts biting her lip.

Then everything goes SLO-MO.

I see, coming toward us, this amazing boy, no, this amazing MAN, with faded jeans slightly frayed at the edges, Doc Martins squeaking as he approaches. He has gorgeous guitar player hands and I nearly gasp audibly when he reaches up and pushes his thick chocolaty hair (a la Rick Springfield) away from his mile long lashes. This guy is magic and I can’t feel my feet.

Trina’s hips sway with each step. The GUY slides his guitar player hands deep into his pockets. Trina flips her Sun-In blonde hair over her shoulder with a carelessness that I know she does not feel.

And then, when the GUY is inches away from Trina, I see him lift his chin slightly and smile a flawless “never even needed braces” smile UP at Trina. He is now at a complete stop, body turning in towards her, an opening line poised on his stubbled, recently licked, lips.

But she doesn’t slow down, doesn’t smile. I slam back to reality as we speed away from the magical guy. A few seconds later Trina says “Too bad.” I’m so confused. What flaw does she see in him that I can’t see?

We are almost to the car when she says again, “Too bad.”

I stay completely silent, hoping she will forget I am there and just keep talking.

“You’re lucky you’re short.”

I don’t answer because I am sure that she is making fun of me.

“You’ll be able to date anyone you want,” she says. “It totally SUCKS to be this tall.”

I am surprised. And DELIGHTED. I steal a glance at her. My beautiful sister. Then I notice for the first time EVER how she slumps her shoulders when she walks, like she’s apologizing for being WAY UP THERE.

And I think of the family picture we recently took. Trina is center, the edge of the shot just skimming the top of her head. I am in front of her, little and cut off at the knees. Neither of us FITS. I imagine someone pulling the camera back just slightly to accommodate both of us, so you can see ALL of me and ALL of Trina.

Trina notices me noticing her and winks.

“Yeah, they’re gonna love you.”

Maybe, I think. And then we walk. And I take me-sized steps all the way back to the car.

 

Homecoming

An Iraq war veteran returns on the Q train.

 

I thanked a fellow soldier for dropping me off at the train station. The man behind the glass waved his hand when I tried to pay the fare and pointed to the metal door. I smiled and hurried to hop on the train.

The Q train would take me right where I wanted to be. For the first time in almost 16 months, I was on the subway. Everything looked too familiar. The only strange thing was my clothing. My desert uniform, faded from the bright Iraqi sun and stretched from frequent washing; my worn-out boots, rucksack on my back, and the look on my face surely gave me away as a soldier returning from overseas.

I struggled to be oblivious to the curious faces turned toward me. I had no desire to answer any questions or acknowledge them. I was enjoying the ride, knowing that I would not return to Iraq ever again. Though familiar, the surroundings looked different, as I imagined they would after my absence.

The real reason this particular ride felt so different was that I was traveling on my own. There was no company of comrades by my side. I also missed the feel of my assault rifle’s sling around my shoulder.

I challenged my mind to think about something else. But how could I? I caught myself eyeing every movement, every detail around me, not because I expected something to happen, but because I had learned to be observant.

It was one hour before midnight, yet there were so many people out — not an unusual sight in Brooklyn. In some 30 minutes, I would be walking into my parent’s place. My wife was also expecting me there. I could hardly picture what it would be like to see them. They would never stop asking questions.

Just then, I noticed a poorly dressed couple drunkenly arguing with each other as they entered, their voices rising above the drumming of the wheels. The sleepy passengers stayed clear and disregarded them. Two teenagers with coffee cups raced over to the empty spot on the bench near me.

A person can expect anything to happen on a train in Brooklyn at that hour, I thought.

The doors opened and closed. My mind raced back. I remembered Iraq, the last evening when I was sitting outside the tent before boarding a bus to the airport. An explosion could be heard in the distance beyond the wire. I didn’t care. There was nothing I could do. For me, it had been scarier waiting to go on patrol than actually patrolling. But that evening I rejoiced because I had finished my tour, I wasn’t going on patrols anymore, and I was ready to fly home. As usual, it was more than 90 degrees that evening. The blazing sun and stifling heat emanating from the ground made it difficult to stay alert for a prolonged time.

The heat-trapping bulletproof vest and gear added at least 20 pounds on me. Soldiers complained about the weight and discomfort, but wore them during missions and inside the camp when ordered. At the end of every patrol, I always appreciated cool air. That was in the past now.

Holding the handrail, I glanced over my right hand and recalled the patrol on a hot day in May when an antitank grenade and another explosive were thrown at the vehicle I was driving. That day, it was my turn to drive the last vehicle in convoy. The grenades carry a copper charge that, when heated, turns into plasma that can slice through armor. This particular charge penetrated the transparent armor in front of me and stopped inches from my hands. Later I found small, burned dots over my sleeves.

The adrenaline rush was surreal. Such charges are the most lethal weapon used against the coalition forces in Iraq. I couldn’t believe how lucky I was as I stared at my bloody hands. The dust and smoke all around made it nearly impossible to discern whether everybody was alive. The blown-up tires added to the frenzy, as I tried to control the vehicle. The explosions damaged the gunner’s ear, but otherwise we were okay. Then the pain settled in. It was nothing I couldn’t tolerate, but my hand swelled and I was unable to use it for a few days.

When we finally stopped and secured the area, I was surprised to find that Iraqi civilians weren’t afraid. In fact, it was just the opposite. They gathered around, watching mostly in silence. It was not the first time we had come under attack, but this was the closest I had come in harm‘s way. The attackers dispersed, as they did most of the time, leaving us no chance to fight back. I was taken to a medical facility, and my patrols stopped for a while. I found out later that no useful information had been obtained from the bystanders. I didn‘t blame them.

I was glad to learn that the gunner did not sustain serious injuries in the attack. My hands also healed in time. The speck — shrapnel too small to be surgically removed — could be seen on an X-ray of my right hand. Although the incident happened more than five months ago, I remembered it clearly.

 

 

The train exited the tunnel and was approaching a stop. The doors opened, and the cool night air rushed in. No new passengers entered the car. Those who remained inside seemed oblivious of me as well as of everything else around us. The quarrelling couple was silent, and the teenagers looked out the window behind them. A few seats became available, but I chose to continue standing. I had spent too long sitting on a bus, traveling to the armory where the army finally released me.

As the train started to slow, the teenagers became anxious. I would think it normal to be uneasy traveling without supervision at their age, but there was something unusual in the way they jumped up when the train halted. Before running out, one of the kids threw the coffee cup, aiming at the tipsy woman in the corner. Neither the passengers nor I flinched. The cup missed, hitting the wall above the woman’s head. The lid flew off, the cup’s contents splashing over the woman, who muttered something under her breath. I kept a sharp eye on the kids, as they ran across the platform toward the staircase. The train then made a clucking noise and started to leave the station.

I was surprised at how calm the passengers, including the couple, were.

There was no perceptible way to know whether anybody cared, even though they clearly saw what had just happened. With the exception of a bulky man asleep with headphones, all the passengers looked as if they were stoned. For a few brief seconds, they moved their eyes slightly in the direction of the distressed woman, who tried to brush off the liquid. The man across from her paid no attention. Nothing followed but the beat of the moving train.

I stood there shocked, thinking that an action like that could get a man killed in a war zone. There was no way to know what the kid had in his hand. It all happened too fast. I was surprised to find myself standing motionless, not dropping to the floor or looking for concealment.

But it didn’t matter. The train was carrying me closer to my destination.

I haven’t seen my family since December when I had a two-week furlough.

I got off the train at Kings Highway. Almost home, I was delighted to be back.

 

A summer of gracious living

A luxury safari in Kenya proves that modernity and the Maasai can live in harmony.

Reticulated Giraffe running. There are three subspecies of giraffes that live in East Africa: the Reticulated, whose spots are very clearly and cleanly marked; the Maasai, who are the tallest (up to 18 feet), darkest in color, and with spots going all the way down their legs; and the Rothschild, who are slightly smaller and lighter in color and have white “stockings.” (Marian Smith)

Matasha’s daughter squealed in delight when she saw the image of herself on my digital camera.  

The miniature screen showed her — the tallest child in the group — surrounded by almost ten other skinny, dusty, grinning children. Matasha, my Maasai guide, towered over them, tall and proud, his robes a bright pinpoint of red against the brown and tan colors of the savannah.

In the background appeared the interior of Matasha’s family compound. A massive fence of gnarled, sharp branches enclosed a cluster of round huts made from dung and sticks. The family corralled its herd of cattle in the middle of the huts each night, protecting them from the lions that roam the stretch of plains between Kenya’s Chyulu hills and the majestic Mt. Kilimanjaro.  

This was Campi ya Kanzi, 400 square miles of Maasai-owned land bordering the Tsavo West and Chyulu National Parks near the Amboseli Reserve in Kenya. Last summer, I stayed there with my boyfriend, Dan, and various members of my family, for four days at the beginning of a three-week-long safari through Kenya and Tanzania.

I squirmed the first time I saw where Matasha lived, unable to fathom why anyone would enjoy living in a hut made from dung. But at the end of my three weeks in Africa, after staying at other safari camps, I came to realize that the Maasai at Campi ya Kanzi were more than content with their traditional lifestyle and the dung huts that came with it; their culture was successfully withstanding any encroaching Westernization.

But I also realized that this fortunate state of affairs was allowed to happen only rarely. At most of the camps, ecotourism was simply a substitute word for high-priced wildlife-viewing expeditions. Locals weren’t given any stake in this version of tourism as nature conservation. At the same time, any notion of trying to preserve the local culture was practically unheard of. It was only at very few places, such as Campi ya Kanzi, that a pampered stay didn’t leave me with an uneasy conscience.

At Campi ya Kanzi, guests slept on feather pillows and Italian linens, enjoyed indoor plumbing in our canvas tents, and were supplied with soft white robes and slippers to wear at night. Each day, we woke up to a soft “Good morning” and the smell of freshly brewed coffee and sweet biscuits waiting on a tray on our private porch. During the day, we drove through endless miles of rolling bush, picnics packed in the trunk of our jeep, looking for wildlife with the help of our expert Maasai guides. And as the orange African sun began to set, we stopped on hilltops for our regular “sundowners” — wine and snacks — before heading back to camp.

The camp was the dream-come-true of Luca and Antonella Belpietro, a young couple from Brescia, in northern Italy. Ten years ago, Luca convinced Antonella to leave her chic life in Italy for the raw beauty of Kenya — the place where Luca had traveled extensively as a boy. Together, they discovered the Maasai-owned land in southern Kenya and formed a partnership with the 3,000 herdsmen living on it. With the Maasai’s help, Luca and Antonella built a main house and six cottages — with thatched roofs, rough wooden beams, and canvas sidings — for a maximum of 14 guests at any one time. They named the place Campi ya Kanzi, which means “Camp of the Hidden Treasure” in Kiswahili, and then invited people to come and see why.

Matasha, my Maasai guide, in traditional dress of red robes and beaded necklaces and bracelets. The spear in his right hand was with him always, a customary protection against wild animals when walking out in the bush. (Will Ebert)

Sustainable safari

Before I came to Campi ya Kanzi, I had been on a safari before, in the enormous Kruger National Park in South Africa almost 10 years ago.

I went with a friend’s family, and we stayed in unmemorable huts and drove ourselves around in a jeep, trying to avoid the seven-car pile-ups in which one or two cars would spot an animal and then five others would gather to form a rather — if I may say so — obnoxious crowd.  

This was no Kruger.  

For starters, there was only one other family and a honeymooning couple besides my family at Campi, and Luca and Antonella treated all of us as their personal guests. On our first day, they settled us into our tents, showed us around the grounds, and educated us on the history of the place. They also made very clear the camp’s mission — to raise money for schools and healthcare for the Maasai living anywhere within the extensive property, and to protect the wildlife.

That first day, Antonella explained that the wood for the camp’s construction came from sustainable tree plantations in nearby national forests, and that the water purifying system had been built out of the ubiquitous lava rocks of the Chyulu Hills. An organic vegetable garden provided the kitchen with its own natural produce, and the diesel generator* only ran for a few hours each day. Cards in our bathrooms told us that the little bottles of shampoos and soaps were biodegradable.

With an Italian eye for style, Antonella had decorated the lodge and the tents with local and traditional art: Beaded collars with strings of shells, ornate masks, and wooden carvings. Inside the main house, overstuffed sofas surrounded a large stone fireplace and heavy wooden chairs looked out across the open veranda to the mountains in the distance.

Most other camps lacked Campi’s rustic yet comfortable atmosphere.

Camp Kirawira in Tanzania, actively promoted its British colonial history, offering guests elaborate silver tea services laid out by local waiters wearing drab, grey uniforms and white gloves. Oriental carpets and old gramophones decorated the main house. Sure, the guides spoke flawless English and knew the Latin names of all the animals, but something didn’t feel quite right when a khaki-wearing man told us his tribe was Maasai. “Really?” I thought to myself and wondered where on the Serengeti he had bought his tan safari boots.

At Campi ya Kanzi, the Maasai were free to be themselves, red robes, spears and all. Along with the wildlife, they were the camp’s greatest assets.

Once, when we were in the bush on a game drive, Matasha called out to Stefano, our other guide and driver, to stop the jeep — he had seen an animal in the distance. I scanned the horizon eagerly, but even with binoculars glued to my face, I couldn’t see much besides trees and bushes.

Matasha said something to Stefano in Maa, the Maasai language.  

“Ah, yes,” Stefano said, looking into the distance with his own pair of binoculars. Then he translated. “A young giraffe — Maasai — born maybe three months ago.”

I continued to look, all the while silently grumbling to myself. Then, something miles away moved, and sure enough, through my binoculars, I could just make out the silhouette of a young Maasai giraffe, one of the three main subspecies that can be found in East Africa. My binoculars were no match for Matasha’s eyesight, however, so I took his word for it that the animal was three months old.

Matasha’s daughter, center, wearing my hat and sunglasses. Other children surround her, and in the background is the gnarled fence that forms the corral for the family’s cattle each night. (Will Ebert)

Conversations about conservation

At dinner time, the whole camp — all of us guests, Luca, Antonella, their three-year-old daughter Lucrezia, Stefano, and sometimes a few of the Maasai guides who spoke English — sat around the large wooden table in the main house. Animal sightings — herds of elephant, gazelles, giraffes, and zebras — were discussed at great length as was the more serious issue of introducing certain rare species back into the region.

On one such evening, Luca told us of some poachers who had hidden the skinned carcass of a hartebeest — a kind of antelope — in a large bush in the hills of the Maasai land. He guessed that the poachers came from the Wakamba, another tribe that competes for resources with the Maasai, often resulting in tension between the two tribes. Luca resolved to gather a team of Maasai to go find the men.

The fierce ownership Luca displayed that night was equal to that of the Maasai, even though Luca is essentially a guest on their land. The two parties have built an extraordinarily strong and respectful partnership, and that is what makes Campi ya Kanzi unique in my eyes. Of the $425 per person per night fee, $30 goes to a charitable foundation that supports the Maasai culture — Luca meets with representatives from the community several times a year and together they decide how to allocate funds to schools, healthcare, and social projects. The rest of the money goes to sustaining the camp and its employees, and paying the salaries of the Maasai who work there or as scouts, patrolling the land for poachers.

In this way, as the Maasai work to conserve the wildlife on the reserve, they benefit from even the smallest number of tourists. In 2000, Luca and Antonella also set up the Maasai Wilderness Conservation Trust that contributes specifically to wildlife adoption and to reimbursing the Maasai for any damages to their herds caused by predators.

Showing the Maasai the benefits of protecting lions in particular was difficult at first since cattle, which the lions hunt, are the Maasai’s livelihood. Dowries are given in cattle, boys are given their first cows when they formally become men, and families are considered wealthy only by the number of cows they own. But slowly the Maasai have come to realize that the more lions there are, the more consistent the stream of tourists contributing to Campi ya Kanzi’s trust which, in turn, helps preserve the Maasai culture.  

Years ago, Luca told me, a Christian missionary group tried to help the Maasai by building them a well so they would always have water. But after months of grazing their herds of cattle only on the surrounding grasses, the Maasai found that the land had become parched and the well was providing less and less water. The missionaries had meant well but their lack of cultural understanding blinded them to ways of helping that would still allow the Maasai to continue living their traditional nomadic life.

Matasha’s daughter, center, in a green dress, surrounded by other children. Behind them are two traditional huts constructed of dung, mud and sticks with a thatched roof. Inside, it is almost pitch dark and there are only a few fist-sized holes in the walls to let in light and release smoke from a small fireplace that burns in one corner. In the background is the corral’s fence, and behind that are the Chyulu Hills. (Will Ebert)

The pride of the Maasai

As guides, cooks, guards, and caretakers, the Maasai employees of the camp are not making their living by traditional means. But they do return to their villages on weekends and periodically throughout the year, and with the support of the foundation, they are all very likely living as closely as they can to their nomadic heritage.

When Matasha invited us to see his village, it became clear how respectful this reciprocal relationship between tradition and tourism can and should be. The visit with his family was not part of the tour — he was not being paid to show us a slice of Maasai life. Rather, he invited us as his guests. Matasha and his extended family live in essentially the same way his ancestors have lived for generations, and he was happy to show us the culture he was fighting to sustain.

In the dusty corral, Matasha’s wife watched over the assortment of children. By now, they had managed to extract the sunglasses and hat from my head and were gleefully chasing one another in their attempts to try them on. With his colorfully beaded wooden stick — a rungu — signifying leadership and power, Matasha motioned us toward one of the mud huts. Beaming, he told us it was his mother’s house.

Thinking about that day now, I can’t help but recall how the other safari camps spelled out in their brochures what it was like to visit a traditional village with their guides. They advertised it as an authentic experience, a unique opportunity to see where and how tribespeople had been living for generations. But when we realized that these “visits” actually entailed crowds of tourists piling into little vans to descend on these “villages,” where dollars could buy the beaded necklaces and postcards conveniently on display, we refused to sign up. It didn’t sit right, especially after Matasha had so generously invited us inside his own mother’s hut, where she slept, cooked, and lived her quiet life.

I must admit though that when I first saw Matasha’s home, it was difficult to reconcile the fact that I would be going back to a furnished, comfortable tent that night, while Matasha’s children would pile into their dung hut at bedtime. But seeing how happy they were — how proud — to live the way they did, brought home the fact that I was the only one feeling embarrassed about the disparity in our sleeping arrangements. Matasha and the other Maasai working at the camp saw the luxury of the guests’ lodgings every day, but they weren’t jealous. To them, our lifestyle was just another way of living.  

Part of the beauty of traveling is learning to look at things from a new perspective, however clichéd that sounds. For the rest of my stay at Campi ya Kanzi, I stopped feeling guilt-stricken when I returned to my tent at night. That I slept on a feather pillow was of little consequence to the Maasai at Campi. Rather, what mattered to them (and to me) was that my visit was helping sustain a traditional way of life they did not want to lose. My conscience slept easier after that.

Matasha‘s daughter, center, in a green dress, surrounded by other children. Behind them is Matasha‘s mother‘s hut, constructed from dung, mud and sticks with a thatched roof. To the left is Stefano, Luca‘s long-time friend from school in Italy, who works at Campi ya Kanzi as a guide. (Will Ebert)

Correction, April 7, 2006: This article originally misstated that Campi ya Kanzi uses a solar-powered generator for a few hours each day. In fact, the camp uses a regular diesel generator for a few hours each day when it needs to run some heavy-duty appliances. The rest of the time, it uses solar-powered electricity. (Go to the corrected text.)

 

American dreaming

Jason DeParle aims a critical eye at welfare reform during the Clinton administration.

Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton rode into office with the promise to “end welfare as we know it.” Now, a decade and a half later, the first complete, non-partisan review of his efforts — and those of opposing party leader Newt Gingrich, whose Contract with America offered his own party‘s version of welfare reform — has appeared in Jason DeParle’s American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids, and a Nation’s Drive to End Welfare.

DeParle, a senior writer for The New York Times who reported extensively on welfare in the 1990s, takes readers on a whirlwind tour of the evolution of welfare at the federal level, beginning with President Franklin Roosevelt’s original initiative to provide benefits for poor (and, implicitly, white) widows to care for their children and racing up through the 1980s, when welfare was viewed as a national apology for the abysmal conditions of 1960s housing projects and the social maelstroms they had created. By 1996, when Clinton, himself a lower-income success story, and Gingrich were in power, public approbation for “ending welfare” (a phrase whose genealogy DeParle also traces) was at an all-time high, and Congress sought a solution that would empower states to cleanse their own rolls. While Clinton”s plan emphasized federal job creation as a way to cushion the transition from welfare to work, Gingrich’s placed the burden of planning on individual states to decide how they would reform their own programs.

In the end, the country ended up with an amalgam of the two plans and DeParle’s book follows three different women from Milwaukee who found themselves on the welfare rolls in the early 1990s. The choice of Wisconsin was not accidental; Republican Governor Tommy Thompson, a nearly unknown candidate for public office, emerged in the late 1980s using an anti-welfare platform to end decades of Democratic governance in the state, and was held up by Clinton as a leading light of welfare reform.

Wisconsin was the site of an early skirmish over welfare in the 1990s after a wave of Chicago recipients moved to Milwaukee, where the benefits (under the then-Democratic government) were better and the cost of living was lower. Three of those Chicagoans — Angie, Jewell, and Opal, all cousins — form the meat of DeParle’s narrative, and provide a narrow but useful portrait of the welfare system as it stood when Clinton took office. All of the women came from families who, within the space of a few generations, migrated north from sharecropping farms in the Mississippi Delta. DeParle wisely steers away from comparing the patronage system of Jim Crow farming and the mechanics of the welfare state, emphasizing instead the drive of Angie’s grandmother and her siblings to make a better life on Chicago’s South Side. It is that same spirit that drives Angie, Jewell, and Opal to Milwaukee, where they find a house with a forgetful landlord and, with their welfare checks, settle in with their children — until the state’s W-2 Welfare to Work plan disrupts their comfortable lives.

Or that’s how conservative critics might have pictured it. The most surprising finding of DeParle’s book is that, while the three women continued to draw welfare checks until the state directly cut them off, they were often employed part-time, if not full-time, on the side in order to make up the difference between their check and their family’s needs. When job-oriented counseling started to take the place of classical check calculations, recipients would often omit jobs from state-reported forms — but would continue to work instead of just relying on their benefits. Angie, for example, was enrolled by the state in the employment-search program JOBS (Job Opportunities and Basic Skills), where she diligently recorded businesses she called and job contacts she made, without divulging her temporary nursing work.

In Jewell’s case, only five months passed before the state “found her second job” (thanks to better software), but her enrollment in the JOBS program wouldn’t have provided a stable welfare check for long anyway; the specific classes she was required to take were continually cancelled, making it impossible for her to matriculate into an actual job with this state-mandated training hanging over her head. All three women rejected the “community service jobs” — wageless work designed by Wisconsin administrators to give welfare recipients the impression of working for their benefits as, not surprisingly, a waste of time better spent at a job with take-home pay.

The book’s last third describes the welfare bureaucracy in Milwaukee as it existed in the late 1990s, focusing on the for-profit administrator Maximus, whose financial malfeasance would later make headlines. These private agencies were responsible for the implementation of Wisconsins welfare reforms, for better or (usually) for worse. Maximus represented a triumph of bureaucracy over positive individual change: Opal, for example, was asked about her “employability plan,” not about whether she had a job. Case workers, who were often more adept at paperwork management software than at real-life advice, felt no pressure from the state to cut welfare rolls once they had already fallen some 90 percent, and would frequently cut their clients a check rather than pursue them individually to make sure they were following through on their job search objectives. Ironically, this is just the kind of abuse W-2 was designed to prevent. With five private welfare-implementation organizations in the metro Milwaukee area in the late 1990s, graft and mismanagement of funds were easy to hide even as case workers couldn’t get equipment and training for their clients.

Woven through the women’s stories are those of their boyfriends and husbands, whose instability often contributed to financial insecurity. Angie’s boyfriend was in jail awaiting trial when she moved to Chicago, and Jewell’s drug-dealing boyfriends were unwilling to commit to her except when serving short prison terms. In Opal’s case, her spiraling addiction to crack cocaine was aided and abetted by a sometime boyfriend and dealer. DeParle notes that while almost 75 percent of women leaving the welfare rolls worked at some point in the next year, by the end of the 1990s, only half of lower-income black men were similarly employed. The booming economy may have lifted Angie’s and Jewell’s boats but it left behind the men they loved, creating an ironic commentary on the original intention of welfare.

Yet just getting a job — the effect of “ending welfare as we know it” — didn’t necessarily change these womens lives as people might have expected. Gingrich conservatives who tout marriage as a social stabilizer would be disappointed to discover that of the three women, only Jewell saw getting married as a solution to her financial problems, and continued to manage alone when a nuptial opportunity never arose. And Opal, whose drug problems seemed evident to everyone except her case worker, drifted in and out of jobs, staying just long enough to make a little money and then disappearing on two- or three-day drug binges. Even Angie, a nursing assistant and the longest employed, didn’t see herself as a champion of the W-2 system. She might have seemed like “that American hero, a working-class stiff to proclaimers that welfare reform had worked” — Angie did leave the rolls, after all — but she tells DeParle, “I never think about shit like that! It means I be a broke motherfucker for the rest of my life!”’

DeParle makes it clear that welfare neither solved the women’s problems, nor exacerbated them with its absence. But the margin by which it improved the lives of Angie and Jewell is an important one for policymakers to take note. It’s hard to challenge DeParle’s math when he figures that, because of payroll taxes and food stamps, Angie only made $3,400 more off welfare than on, even though she was earning almost $10,000 more per year. And that measurement didn’t take into account work-related expenses like uniforms and transportation, or the loss of her health insurance (although her children were allowed to stay on Medicaid).

As Barbara Ehrenreich’s Nickel and Dimed exposed, the minimum wage in most states can’t realistically keep a single-income family above the poverty level. As a piece of social engineering, then, the minimum wage can be a great upward mobilizer; as a viable “minimum on which to live” it makes a mockery of women like Angie who, without their GEDs, can’t expect to get a higher-paying job. When Clinton said, “People who work shouldn’t be poor,”’ he made a promise that has yet to be fulfilled by state help.

American Dream is so crammed with history and narrative that DeParle leaves little space to offer a full prescription for remedying what welfare reform has wrought. But the federal and state systems of aid that have “replaced welfare have never lacked for prescribers” — only for a complete description of symptoms. In the end, policy wonks from both sides of the aisle should find in DeParle’s reportage lessons which may be applied to any aid implementation, from how to quell the furor over the new Medicare prescription plans to the joint federal and state efforts it will take to rebuild the Gulf Coast after last year’s hurricane season. “

 

The colors of love

Artifacts from an Italian couple’s romance form the building blocks of a new story.

On our first date I was 15 and he was 17. We were high school sweethearts and, after 11 years, we married. During our teens and 20s, when most of our friends were experimenting with casual romances, we seemed too intertwined, too interdependent, and too stable. Instead of moving from person to person, we moved from place to place to find our own way to experiment with the world. We moved from our college campus to his law school town in Indiana; Chicago; Florence, Italy; back to Chicago; and then to Brooklyn.

It was in Italy, in 2002, that I conceived this project from a series of black and white photographs taken of my husband shortly after we moved there. We rented a furnished apartment on Via dei Pepi from a couple who were strangers to us. They left their personal items, including their photographs, diaries, love letters, music, dried red roses, mismatched dishes, a Kama Sutra book, and the bed they shared. Through their suggestion of daily rituals and interaction, the objects left in the apartment invited me to imagine the private interiors of the couple’s relationship. By sifting through the possessions of these strangers a story of intimacy unfolded, except this story was not made on a Hollywood set but had taken place in my own home.

Influenced by the images of my relationship on the backdrop of the artifacts left behind by the Italian couple’s romance, my photographic project evolved into an exploration of the architecture of love. I used my apartment as a set, painting walls, arranging spaces, and directing my husband as the main character of an everyday love story. The plot of this story was based on the “couples dance,” which is a term psychologists use to describe couples’ negotiations seeking closeness until it becomes smothering and eliciting distance until it feels too far. Rather than documenting our life as it happened, I referenced memories, observations of other real couples and impressions learned from media-based relationship prototypes. By sourcing these external representations, I aimed to merge our specific reality with an archetypal fictional shell painted in vibrant color.

Upon viewing the photographs I made, I realized in addition to creating a story about the couples dance, the photographic process was part of my couples dance. In my own relationship closeness was always easy but seeing our independence was sometimes a challenge. Becoming so close at such a young age — we grew up together — our influence on each other was immense, resulting in heightened confusion for me about where my individual identity ended and his began.

Behind the camera, I took control over my husband; I used him as a model. Our photographing sessions created a scenario in which I reserved power to project my own ideas onto him — to make him whatever I wanted him to be. In the pictures, I barely recognize his persona; the exertion of my control diminished his individuality. Viewing his image transformed and suspended in the photographs fostered a distance, an alternate perspective from which to understand him and his relation to me. I identified with the cycle of closeness and distance portrayed in the images, as he retreats and comes forward, and saw the parallel to our real life. In contrasting the image of him I created on film to his real life character, the interplay between our detached and connected identities resonated. I saw that while I could influence him (as I did posing him for the pictures) and he could influence me, that committing to a relationship does not encroach the ability to act as self-determined individuals making choices to dominate, recede, and compromise.

All images were made in Brooklyn, New York using a medium format camera.

Click here to enter the photo essay.

A REVIEW: The art of photographing the young and in love

 

The art of photographing the young and in love

A review of Margot Herster’s photography.

Editor’s Note: The author is Margot Herster’s step-mother-in-law and friend.
    
For the millions of adults in their 20s reared by baby boomer parents determined to instill in their children self-esteem fueled by fulfillment and encouraging entitlement, questions arise when personal objectives meet up with love. Margot Herster examines issues facing her generation:

Can two young adults pursue separate lives driven by individual interests and goals and also create a life as a couple? Where does the individual life end and the couple’s life begin?  Is sacrifice inherent in a relationship to survive? How quickly must adulthood be reached and to what extent can an individual control the quality of life if it is designated to begin at a specific age instead of at a point of readiness?

In Margot Herster’s poignant photographs, she reveals the loneliness of struggling with these issues even as an intimate relationship progresses. Does loving someone ease assimilation into adulthood or make one more vulnerable to the trappings created by expectations?

The isolation of an emergent self poised slightly apart from the elements of daily life is demonstrated by photographs of physical intimacy against the backdrop of unpacked boxes, randomly strewn personal items in an otherwise unadorned urban apartment, wall hangings propped on the floor, a television turned on in a room facing an uninhabited couch, and the constant pressure of time passing as internal conflicts remain unresolved.  

The courage to admit such a dilemma exists — between pursuing a relationship and allowing one’s ego free reign — is riveting in its naked honesty. In spite of the camera lens’s brilliant focus, the beguiling composition invites interpretation. Herster’s color palette illuminates her photos’ content and creates an optimistic layer over darker themes. Our eyes search each shot to find plausible hope for romance to win over self, or in the very least to hold its own. It is Herster’s expertly measured degree of hope for a dual victory that her work entices us for second, third, and multiple more searches.

Herster also manifests the hesitant interaction in a relationship: a fragment of a woman’s head barely visible in a mirror’s glass is in the foreground as a man leans his half-toweled body against a wall constructed so narrowly that the confinement it creates elicits an involuntary intake air. This keen photograph illustrates the elusive component inherent in the transition from a solitary life to a fully disclosed committed relationship. We are voyeurs snatching glimpses of this couple as they engage, retreat, and attempt tentative steps towards a life of their making. Will this life be worth the effort?    

Another photograph places the man in the relationship outside the apartment. We see him through the window as he sits on the fire escape. Smoke in hand, he stares where we cannot see. The light from inside the apartment casts a shadow across his profile suggesting that physical escape does not provide relief from the emotional conflict of relationships, growth, and meeting adult expectations. We are suspended with him as the answers he seeks remain out of view.  

The artist and her model

I met them, Margot Herster and her model, several years ago. My first impressions have not changed. They are people with stories — ones I want to know.

She hadn’t yet spoken before I drew a conclusion about her. Her presence alone commanded that she not be categorized. I knew from the static in the air created by her entrance that getting acquainted with her would be time consuming. She possesses this level of control. But like a benevolent ruler protecting her subjects, she carries herself without offense, aware of her obligation to not give more information than a situation calls for. Not until the time is right. I liked her immediately.

He is as striking as she is, but he is less guarded.  His charismatic face hints at the substance of life — love, compassion, strength, pain, curiosity, and questions, always questions, and suitable, if not in quantity at least in quality, answers. He charms and entertains without guile. His duty is to bring smiles — some joyful, others thoughtful — and he is a master at it.

Most of all, I took notice — how could one not — that when the two of them are in close proximity, he frames her with an arm, a look, a word. Is it his essence that produces this effect or hers? Does she procure it, or does he offer it up as the standard for their relationship?

He is the model; she is the artist. There is a private contract between them. But in her work you can see it. The viewer is aware of the give-and-take between them that keeps their personal and professional relationships dynamic from the constant shift in power; first one, then the other, taking the lead.  

However, the nuances of their covenant remain a mystery for future discussion. I have questioned each of them attempting to delve into these enigmatic regions, but intuition tells me their reticence to expose more now is to keep the relationship incubating. When they are ready, and the time is right, they will reveal their new insights through art. I will be waiting.